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THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 



THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN 
MOVEMENT 



BY 



EARLE DUDLEY ROSS, Ph.D. 

Sometime Fellow in American History , Cornell University 
Professor of History, Illinois Wesleyan University 



A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE 

SCHOOL OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL 

FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR 

OF PHILOSOPHY 




NEW YORK 

HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 

1919 






Copyright, 191 9 
By CORNELL UNIVERSITY 



i 'd\ iyjy 



©CI.A530C01 



The Rumford Press 
Concord, N. H. 



TO 
MY PARENTS 



PREFACE 

This study was prepared in 19 15 as a doctoral disserta- 
tion in the Graduate School of Cornell University. The 
aim has been to contribute something to the history of poli- 
tical parties and of party government by tracing the develop- 
ment of a movement that came at a time of readjustment 
in both party issues and party organization. The investi- 
gation of a nation-wide movement, the sources of which are 
to be found in the local party organizations, involves many 
complexities and frequent opportunities for error. The 
years 1 873-1 876, in particular, have presented a tangle of 
party interests from which it has been most difficult to 
ravel the Liberal thread. Much assistance has been derived 
from monographs on the political history of the individual 
states during the Reconstruction era, and in this connec- 
tion special mention should be made of the studies prepared 
under the master guidance of Professor W. A. Dunning, of 
Columbia University. 

The writer has endeavored very consciously and, he 
trusts, very concientiously to avoid the besetting sin of mono- 
graph writers, that of exaggerating the importance of their 
problems. He has nevertheless been convinced, as a result 
of his investigation, that the Liberal Republican Movement 
was something more than a mere " spasm of political enthu- 
siasm of the negative character' ' which " passed away as 
quickly as it came," as a writer on political parties has 
characterized it. 1 

Grateful acknowledgments are made to the Cornell Uni- 
versity Library, to the Harvard University Library, to the 
Library of Congress, to the State Historical Society of 

1 S. D. Fess, History of Political Theory and Party Organization in the 
United States, 253. 

vii 



Vlll PREFACE 

Wisconsin, to the Minnesota Historical Society, to the 
State Historical Society of Missouri at Columbia, to the 
Missouri Historical Society at St. Louis, to the Iowa State 
Library at Des Moines, to the New York State Library at 
Albany, to the New York Public Library, and to the Bos- 
ton Public Library. 

The investigation has been carried on under the direction 
of Professor Charles H. Hull, of Cornell University, who 
has been throughout a patient, understanding, and undic- 
tatorial counselor. My indebtedness to him is too great to 
be expressed adequately in any formal acknowledgement. 
Professor Julian P. Bretz, of Cornell University, has ren- 
dered most generous and effective service in the critical 
reading of the manuscript. Both the manuscript and the 
proof have profited greatly by the careful readings of my 
wife. 

E. D. R. 
Illinois Wesleyan University, 

Bloomington, Illinois. 
December, 1918. 



CONTENTS 



Chapter Page 

I. Origin of the Liberal Faction in the Union Republican 
Party. 

Introduction I 

Grant's problems and qualifications at the beginning of his 

first term 6 

Administration policies create opposition within the regular 

organization 9 

The reformers alienated from the administration 12 

Factions in the state organizations 17 

Republican losses in the congressional elections of 1870 .... 34 

Futile opposition to Grant's renomination 34 

Failure of efforts to reconcile the factions 41 

II. Development of a National Liberal Movement. 

Suggestions of a new party, 1870-71 45 

Schurz's organization work in 1871 46 

Growing sentiment for a new party 50 

Missouri call for a national Liberal convention 51 

Activity of Liberal leaders in Congress 52 

The response to the Missouri call 55 

Personnel of the new movement 61 

Condition of the Democratic party and its attitude towards 

the Liberal movement 68 

Discussion over possible candidates 76 

III. Reformers Versus Politicians in the Cincinnati Convention. 

Composition of the gathering 86 

Politicians' plans thwarted by the independent journalists 

before the convention 87 

Contest in the New York delegation 89 

Organization of the convention 91 

Triumph of the Greeley delegates from New York 91 

Schurz's speech 92 

Compromise on the tariff question 93 

ix 



K CONTENTS 

The platform 95 

The nominations 96 

Reasons for Greeley's success 100 

Reunion and Reform convention 104 

IV. The Liberals and Their Candidate. 

Division of the Liberal leaders 106 

Plans for a new ticket no 

Steinway Hall meeting in 

Attitude of Republican leaders toward Greeley's no mination 114 

Sumner's " phillipic " 116 

The Republican national convention 117 

The Fifth Avenue conference and its results 118 

The reformers in the campaign 126 

V. The Democratic-Liberal Coalition. 

Problem confronting the Democrats after the Cincinnati 

convention 129 

Southern party sentiment for coalition 130 

Greeley sentiment prevails in the West 131 

Division of the party in the East 133 

Coalition sentiment generally prevails 140 

The Baltimore convention endorses the Liberal platform 

and candidates 140 

Coalitions in the state conventions 142 

The coalition in the campaign 143 

The "Straight-Out" movement 146 

VI. The Political Campaign of 1872. 

General character of the campaign 150 

The press in the campaign 151 

Cartoonists 1 53 

Campaign oratory 153 

Campaign methods 159 

Racial appeals 163 

Appeals to sectarian prejudice 167 

Chief campaign issues 167 

Liberal prospects early in the campaign 177 

The North Carolina election 178 

The result in the October states 180 

Overwhelming defeat of the Liberal ticket 183 

Explanation of the result 183 



CONTENTS XI 

VII. The Later Activities of the Liberal Republican F ^cston' 

The Liberal movement after 1872 % ^~ ^ 

The Liberals in Congress ^* __ _. 

& • • \ » , , * 192 

West , s ^ . II 

=■* _<- ::::.:.: IT& 

In the campaign of 1876, . f % 

Conclusion ' * 

237 

Bibliography 

• 240 

Index 

255 



THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 



CHAPTER I 

ORIGIN OF THE LIBERAL FACTION IN THE UNION 
REPUBLICAN PARTY 

The Civil War, which tried so severely all of the institu- 
tions of the American Nation, created an anomalous situa- 
tion in the party system. The Republicans had arisen and 
come into power as a distinctly sectional party. The Demo- 
cratic organization, held together almost to the last by its 
politicians, had been forced asunder by the sectional con- 
flict. The northern Democrats then divided among them- 
selves. One portion supported the administration for the 
time being, and the rest maintained a moderate or extreme 
opposition. During the war the administration Unionists 
and the opposition Democrats completely filled the polit- 
ical field; the all-dominating issue of the preservation of 
the Union left no room for the activities of third parties. 

Reconstruction inevitably brought readjustment in party 
organizations and issues. The chief problems of the Democ- 
racy, discredited by their connection with the war, were 
to regain the country's confidence and to secure positive, 
forward-looking issues. The Republicans, despite their 
seeming security, had the grave tasks of becoming a gen- 
uinely national party and of amalgamating the diverse 
elements that during the war had rallied under the party's 
banner. The composition of the Union party, 1 at first a 

1 See Dunning, "The Second Birth of the Republican Party," Ameri- 
can Historical Review, XVI, 56 ff.; Greene, "Some Aspects of Politics in 
the Middle West, " Proceedings of the Wisconsin Historical Society for 
iqi j, 60 ff.; Julian, Political Recollections, 330. 



2 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

source of power, was now becoming a cause of instability. 
While national integrity was at stake differences over 
other issues had been suppressed, but with the cessation 
of war old-time constitutional views reasserted themselves. 
The inevitable result was a disintegration of the party. 
There was a pronounced difference of opinion between the 
extreme or "radical" nationalists and the moderates or 
"conservatives" as to the conditions and method of restora- 
tion of the seceded states. Although Johnson's "National 
Union" movement of 1866 failed in its immediate aims, 
it forced the two factions of the Union Republican party 
into a struggle which was renewed with increasing bitter- 
ness in the impeachment contest and culminated in 1872 
in open rupture. 2 For the time being, the Republicans 
were united in support of the war amendments; but it was 
becoming evident that all attempts to continue extreme 
restrictive and punitive policies would meet with an active 
opposition within their ranks. Furthermore the Republi- 
cans were suffering from the demoralizing effects of an 
impotent opposition. Their party had not been kept on 
its mettle. Internal dissension was one of the consequences 
and by 1869 several of the state organizations were weak- 
ened by bitter factional contests. 3 

The political situation in the Reconstruction era was 
further complicated by economic and social problems. Gov- 
ernmental abuses, long tolerated or condoned, were now 
being challenged and thus were coming within the cogni- 
zance of political parties. A reform influence was developing 
that threatened Republican unity almost as seriously as 
did contentious constitutional lawyers in Congress or fac- 
tious politicians in the state organizations. 

2 Johnston-Woodburn, American Political History, II, 585; De Witt, 
Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, 516 ff.; White, Trumbull, 286, 312-326; 
Salter, Grimes, 357-362; Schurz, Reminiscences, III, 292. 

3 See, for instance, Julian, 302 f.; McClure, Old Time Notes of Pennsyl- 
vania, II, 203-217; Stebbins, Political History of New York, 412 f.; Dilla, 
Politics of Michigan, 99; Morehouse, Fell, 96-97. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 3 

In the late sixties there began, in the East and Middle 
West, the more or less definite activity of a group of reform- 
ers, composed largely of editors and scholars, who during 
the past decade had been for the greater part faithful sup- 
porters of the Republican party, but who from this time 
down to 1900, with some changes in personnel, endeavored 
to oppose abuses and secure reforms by concerted independ- 
ent political action. In ability, in sincerity of purpose, 
and, all too often, in impracticability of method these men 
have a unique place in American history. But, although 
they were keenly alive to political and economic evils and 
honestly desirious of bringing about reformations, some of 
them at times seemed to be mere destructive critics. 4 Cer- 
tain of their number, too, as their activity in the Liberal 
movement was to show, were speculative theorists, following 
unworkable theories, rather than efficient, pragmatical re- 
formers. They remind us of Colonel Roosevelt's " people 
of means' ' who "will get together in a large hall, will vocif- 
erously demand 'reform,' as if it were some concrete sub- 
stance which could be handed out to them in slices, and 
will then disband with a feeling of most serene self-satis- 
faction, and the belief that they have done their entire 
duty as citizens and members of the community." 5 Nor 
was their manner of appeal calculated to attract a wide 
following. Choate's characterization of Godkin's editorials 
as making virtue repellent was a pertinent criticism of 
many of these would-be reformers. In the East the views 
of this group were best voiced by Godkin in the Nation, 
Bryant and Godwin in the Evening Post, Ottendorfer in 
the Staats Zeitung, Bowles in the Springfield Republican, 
Arthur George Sedgwick in the Atlantic Monthly (1872- 
1873), and a number of writers, especially the Adams 
brothers, D. A. Wells, and Edward Atkinson, in the North 

4 See, for example, Rhodes' comment on Godkin in Historical Essays, 
276. 

5 Roosevelt, American Ideals (Standard Library Edition), 79. 



4 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

American Review. In the Middle West the spokesmen were 
Horace White in the Chicago Tribune , Murat Halstead in 
the Cincinnati Commerical, Fred Hassaurek in the Cincin- 
nati Volksblatt, W. M. Grosvenor in the Missouri Democrat 
(until 1 871), and Schurz in the Westliche Post. The rise of 
independent journalism in the years following the war is a 
factor always to be taken into account in the political devel- 
opment of the period, although its influence on the great 
mass of the voters was but gradually extended. 6 Most of 
these men had a regard for the Republican, or Union Re- 
publican party, the organization that, in spite of all its 
falterings and blunderings, had preserved the Union; but 
they desired that the party should be progressive, that it 
should face the new issues and not merely rest upon its 
past achievements. If the old party should fail to meet 
the pressing needs of the day they were ready to leave it 
for any organization that might appear more worthy of 
support. 

It was natural that one of the first of the new issues to 
be championed by this group was civil service reform, as 
some of their number had been persistent advocates of the 
merit system since the introduction of Jenckes' bill in 1865. 7 

6 See Merriam, Bowles, II, 132-134. For the ideas of this group, in ad- 
dition to the editorials in the journals mentioned above, see Schurz's 
Reminiscences and his Writings; Lowell's Letters; Norton's Letters; C. F. 
Adams' Autobiography; Bigelow's Retrospection; Brinkerhoff's Recollec- 
tions; Koerner's Memoirs; Austen's Letters and Diaries of Moses Coit 
Tyler; Ogden, Godkin; Godwin, Bryant; Merriam, Bowles; Cary, Curtis; 
White, Trumbull; Lloyd, Lloyd; Adams, C. F. Adams; Rhodes' essays on 
Godkin and Cox in Historical Essays; writings of Godwin, Godkin, 
Lloyd, Wells; publications of the American Free Trade League. Charles 
Francis Adams, Jr., in a speech during the campaign of 1872, said: 
''Meanwhile, for a long time past, and especially during the present 
campaign, I have acted in close sympathy with the class whose feelings 
now find vigorous expression through the columns of the N. Y. Evening 
Post and the Nation, — a class insignificant in numbers only, and one not 
safely to be disregarded." Springfield Weekly Republican, Oct. 4, 1872. 

7 Fish, Civil Service and the Patronage, 209-212. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 5 

Tariff reduction was another of their projects. To further 
this cause, the American Free Trade League was estab- 
lished in 1869, with Bryant, Godkin, Schurz, J. D. Cox, 
George Hoadly, Horace White, David A. Wells, and Edward 
Atkinson as leading members. 8 In the basic reconstruc- 
tion measures they had generally supported the party, but, 
as anyone who understood the character of such men should 
have known, they would inevitably oppose the continuance 
of illiberal policies for partisan or other unworthy ends. 

In the campaign of 1868 the Republicans relied most 
effectively upon their control of the South and the continu- 
ing popular distrust of their opponents. But while from a 
superficial reading of the election returns the Republican 
strength seemed overwhelming, a more careful analysis of 
the figures revealed serious weaknesses. The Democratic 
candidates had carried three northern states, including 
New York, they had been defeated by small majorities in 
three others, and with a " solid South/' of which there were 
already serious portents, they would have won the election. 9 
To be sure, most of the dangers that confronted the party 
were still latent. Wise, tactful leadership might prevent 
serious divisions ; but it would have required no great gift 
of political prophecy to foresee the results of false moves 
by the Republican chiefs. 

The Liberal Republican movement, coming in the midst 
of this period of party readjustment, combined something 
of all these complex, divisive forces in the Union Republican 
party. It marked the first deliberate attempt to meet the 
new political problems. The present study, while dealing 
to some extent with all phases of the movement, is con- 
cerned especially with its influence upon the reorganization 
of national parties. 

8 Lloyd, Lloyd, I, 24. Garrison started a " Revenue Reform League" 
in Boston in 1869. Garrison, Garrison, IV, 262. 

9 Cf. Dunning, Reconstruction, 134; Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, 
11,408. 



6 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

As the foregoing suggestions indicate, President Grant, 
at the beginning of his first term, was confronted with many 
delicate problems which, both as politician and statesman, 
he must solve in order to keep his party intact and to retain 
the country's confidence. For the General the situation 
was one of peculiar opportunity. Had Grant but possessed 
the statesmanly capacity to formulate sound policies and 
the political skill to discipline recalcitrant factions he might 
well have become the real leader of his party and of the 
nation. He had not been chosen by reason of any party 
connections. The Republican managers had turned to him 
not as a Republican, but as the sole candidate whose suc- 
cess was reasonably assured. 10 The rank and file, adoring 
the great hero of the war, looked forward to his achieve- 
ments "with an almost superstitious hope." 11 The reform- 
ers also cherished high expectations concerning him. Low- 
ell, in a letter to his friend, Leslie Stephen, shortly after the 
election, well expressed the prevailing cheerful view: "If 
you write about American politics remember that Grant has 
always chosen able lieutenants. My own opinion is (I 
give it to you for what it is worth) , that the extreme Re- 
publicans will be wofully disappointed in Grant. At any 
rate, if he should throw away his opportunity to be an inde- 
pendent President, he is not the man I take him to be. No 
man ever had a better chance to be a great magistrate than 
he." 12 And, in fact, if few presidents have had such great 
difficulties to face, few have enjoyed, at the outset, so gen- 
eral and enthusiastic a support. 13 

But it was very soon apparent that the General was 

10 Rhodes, United States, VI, 159; White, 332. 

11 Hoar, Autobiography, I, 246; Schurz, III, 285-303. 

12 Lowell to Stephen, Thanksgiving Day, 1868, Lowell, Letters, II, 
7. See also editorials in the Nation, May 28, June 20, Oct. 29, 1868; 
Godwin, Bryant, II, 274, 276; Norton to Curtis, Jan. 29, 1869 Norton, 
Letters, 1,319. 

13 Cf. Rhodes, VI, 236. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 7 

peculiarly ill-adapted for a role which would have tried the 
skill of the most experienced and tactful political leader. 
He was at this time as ridiculously ignorant of party poli- 
tics as he was of the duties of his high office. Haying 
had the refusal, apparently, of both party nominations, he 
had consented to lead the Republicans only after stipu- 
lating that he should receive a renomination. 14 He had, 
however, no conception of his responsibilities and obliga- 
tions as party leader. He looked upon the presidency as 
a just reward for his services to the country, and incident- 
ally to the Republican party. A soldier first and last, he 
brought his military ideas into the White House, regarding 
the relations of civil officials as he had those of officers in 
the army. 15 In his appointments, too, he felt entirely free 
to pay personal debts of friendship, regardless of party 
claims, to say nothing of the interests of the public service. 16 
With no more trepidation over his responsibilities in manag- 
ing the party than in managing the government, upon which 
he entered "without fear," he began by ignoring acknowl- 
edged party leaders. Urgent requests from a prominent 
Republican editor for inside information on proposed poli- 
cies were completely ignored. 17 The identity of the mem- 
bers of his cabinet, whom he considered as a personal 
" staff, " was not divulged beforehand, even to his bosom 
friends. 18 An influential Pennsylvania politician, who ven- 
tured to present the claims of his state to a portfolio, was 
given to understand that the President would select a cabi- 
net entirely in conformity with his own wishes. 19 His unu- 
sual method of choosing advisers 20 produced a cabinet which, 

14 McClure, II, 216; Schurz' s Writings (Bancroft ed.), II, 415. 

15 Schurz, III, 306; Garland, Grant, 391. 

16 Garland, 393; Sherman, Recollections, I, 474; Schurz, III, 308-310; 
Hoar, 1,305. 

17 Badeau, Grant in Peace, 156. 

18 Wilson, Dana, 405; Blaine, II, 424. 

19 McClure, II, 221 f ; Nation, Mar. 4, 1869, p. 164. 

20 For details, see Badeau, 161-166; White, 334-337. 



8 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

when finally announced, proved to be equally anomalous. 21 
Obscure friends without official experience or definite party 
standing were associated with men of marked ability and 
with some of pronounced reform sentiments. 22 But in no 
case, apparently, was the good of the party organization 
considered in the original selections, and in one instance, at 
least, the President gratuitously created ill-feeling in a friend 
whom he had sought to please. 23 Other important appoint- 
ments were equally unfortunate for party harmony. The 
President's immediate assistants, as well as many other 
important officials, were drawn from army officers. At the 
beginning of the term they were his closest advisers 24 and 
constituted a sort of " Kitchen Cabinet." 25 The traditional 
rights of congressmen in respect to appointments were at 
times disregarded in a way that no executive with experi- 
ence in political usages would have ventured. 26 The slight- 
ing manner in which Charles A. Dana's claims to the 
collectorship of the port of New York were ignored un- 
doubtedly helped to create a most dangerous critic at a 
highly strategic point. 27 

This policy of holding aloof from the councils of party 
managers did not long continue. The soldier President, 
most tenacious in carrying through his pet projects, soon 
felt the need of loyal supporters in Congress. Such adher- 
ents, in accordance with Grant's ideas of political fitness, 
should be rewarded for their devotion by the control of the 
federal patronage. The notorious congressional clique, of 
which Butler, Conkling, Cameron, Morton, and Chandler 

21 Cf. Hinsdale, Hist, of President 1 s Cabinet, 207. 

22 Rhodes, VI, 236-241; White, 337. 

23 Badeau, 165, 169. 

24 Badeau, 12-13, 158, 206; Wilson, 405 f. 

25 Hinsdale, 207. 

26 See, for instance, Cullom, Recollections, 176. 

27 Wilson, 406-409, 414-416. Wilson's opinion that Dana's opposition 
was disinterested and impersonal was not generally shared by con- 
temporaries. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 9 

were the leading spirits, furnished the desired band of de- 
pendable administration men. 28 

One of the first of the schemes upon which Grant had set 
his heart was the purchase of San Domingo, "the beginning 
of an Iliad of woes" 29 for the party. From this unhappy 
expansion project grew the administration's open and ir- 
reparable break with Sumner, marked on the side of the 
supercilious, egoistical Senator by bitterly exaggerated de- 
nunciations of the President and his advisers, and on that 
of the headstrong, vindictive Executive and of his defenders 
by the summary removal of Motley from the English mis- 
sion and the displacement of Sumner as chairman of the 
committee on foreign affairs. 30 To secure the votes of carpet- 
bag senators for the annexation treaty by the appointment 
of a southerner, Judge Hoar was also forced out of the cab- 
inet. 31 Senator Schurz's opposition to annexation marked 
the beginning of the differences between the administration 
and the influential leader of western reform sentiment. 32 
The President's obstinate and unreasonable course in this 
matter also caused much dissatisfaction among some of his 
close supporters. Morton was opposed to his chief's efforts 
to force the Senate's action on the treaty, foreseeing 
nothing but an ultimate defeat for the administration. 33 
Henry Wilson warned Grant that Motley's removal would 

28 Rhodes, VI, 388 f.; Foulke, Morton, II, 265; Sherman, I, 474; 
Conkling, Conkling, 326. 

29 White, 342. 

30 For detailed arguments on both sides of this controversy, see Pierce, 
Sumner , IV, 433 ff., and Badeau, chs. 23-24. An impartial summary is 
given by Rhodes, VI, 349-354, 362 f. For Sumner's view of the episode, 
see Sumner to Morrill, Sept. 8, 1870, Forum, XXIV, 406-408. 

31 Cox, "How Judge Hoar Ceased to be Attorney-General," Atlantic 
Monthly, LXXVI, 162 ff.; Sumner to Bigelow, Aug. 7, 1870, Bigelow, 
Retrospection, IV, 402. 

32 Schurz to Grosvenor, Mar. 31, 1870, Schurz's Writings, I, 484; 
Schurz, III, 307 f. 

33 Foulke, II, 151 n. For Senator J. S. Morrill's opposition and the 
favor with which it was received, see Forum, XXIV, 405 f . 



10 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

be likely to injure the party in Massachusetts. 34 Senator 
Cole, of California, a thick-and-thin organization man, wrote 
from the senate chamber, when the confirmation of Motley's 
successor was being held up, that the opposition was "in 
favor of Motley" and added naively, " Grant often forgets 
to act justly. He is not always a wise politician." 35 The 
Republican defeat in the New Hampshire state election 
in the spring of 187 1 was regarded as a direct protest against 
the administration's treatment of Sumner. 36 

The San Domingo fiasco was, in a sense, the President's 
personal experiment, but in dealing with more pertinent 
issues upon which Republicans differed Grant was no more 
successful in promoting harmony. The passage of the tar- 
iff act of 1870, with the President's full approval, was a 
marked triumph for the protected interests. 37 This was an 
especially vital issue for the party at this time since the 
sentiment for tariff reform among Republicans was coming 
to be widespread. In the Middle West there was a most 
persistent opposition to the continuance of the war duties. 38 
In this section administration papers, otherwise loyal, were 
avowed supporters of the free-trade movement, 39 and prom- 

34 Wilson to Grant, July 5, 1870, Pierce, IV, 446. See also on the in- 
dignation of prominent Massachusetts Republicans at Motley's removal, 
Sumner to Morrill, Sept. 8, 1870, Forum, XXIV, 408. 

35 Cole, Memoirs, 333. 

36 Pierce to Sumner, Mar. 15, 1871, Sumner MSS.; N. Y. Herald, Mar. 
15, 1871; Lyford, Rollins, 250. 

37 Tarbell, Tariff in Our Times, 62. When in the fall of 1869 John 
Bigelow, then editor of the N. Y. Times, advised the President to recom- 
mend the removal of the war rates Grant replied: "Oh, we can't do 
anything of that kind. " Bigelow, IV, 317. 

38 Rhodes, VI, 278. Schurz, in denying that the Missouri Liberal 
movement of 1870 was a plot of the revenue reformers, declared that 
if the issue had been squarely on the tariff the majority against protec- 
tion would have been more than double that received by the Liberal 
candidates. Schurz' s Writings, II, 32 f. 

39 Tarbell, 55; Nation, Mar. 3, 1870, p. 132; Cincinnati Semi-Weekly 
Gazette, Apr. 14, May 5, and passim 1871. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY II 

inent Republican congressmen reflected the views of their 
constituents on this question. 40 Forty three of the Repub- 
lican members elected in 1870 were classed as tariff reform- 
ers. Thirty five of this number were from the Middle West. 41 
Even among the administration organs in the East there 
were protests against the injustice of the existing system. 42 
Advocates of civil service reform in Congress could get 
no better satisfaction from the administration. Leaders 
of the growing anti-administration faction, like Schurz and 
Trumbull, gave their hearty support to this cause. 43 Schurz, 
upon assuming his senatorial duties in 1869, thought that 
the " utter absurdity of our system of appointment to office 
has this time so glaringly demonstrated itself that even the 
dullest patriots begin to open their eyes to the necessity of 
a reform." For himself, he confided to a friend, he had 
u taken a solemn vow to pitch in for it next winter to the 
best of my ability." 44 General Cox in the cabinet was an 
equally relentless foe of the prevailing system of appoint- 
ments. 45 But his efforts to take the offices under his juris- 
diction out of politics naturally aroused the bitterest 
hostility from party managers, like Cameron and Chandler, 
and when, in 1870, Grant failed to lend his support the 

40 Rhodes, VI, 275-277; Tarbell, 67; Salter, 363, 364, 379, 383. 
Emery A. Storrs, of Chicago, a leading Republican "spellbinder" in the 
national campaigns of 1 868-1 884, was in 1870 a most pronounced 
advocate of free-trade. Adams, Storrs, 235 ff. 

41 111., 8; Ohio, 7; Ind., 6; Iowa, 6; Mo., 3; Mich., 2; Minn., 1; 
Wis., 1; Kan., 1. The Free-Trader, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, Dec. 24, 
1870. The list as given by the Free-Trader is reprinted in livening 
Journal Almanac, 1871, p. 43. 

42 For such examples, see N. Y. Times, Mar. 17, 1871 ; Boston Common- 
wealth, Feb. 4, 1 87 1. 

43 Bancroft- Dunning, Schurz' s Political Career, 317; White, 349, 376. 

44 Schurz to Taussig, Apr. 18, 1869, Schurz' s Writings, I, 483. 

45 For Cox's views, see his article, "Civil Service Reform" in North 
Am. Rev., Jan. 1871, pp. 81 ff. 



12 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Secretary resigned. 46 The President seemed mildly favor- 
able to the reform measure enacted the following year and 
made some commendable efforts to secure its execution. 
But when the salutary innovation was assailed by the 
keenly interested machine politicians, he failed to give it 
the backing necessary to its permanent establishment. 47 

Furthermore, most serious cause of dissension of all, the 
conservative Republicans' hope of a liberal southern policy 
was doomed to sad disappointment as the President came 
more and more under the influence of the radicals. 48 
Nevertheless the champions of amnesty and complete res- 
toration of home rule kept up the fight persistently, 
despite all administrative indifference or hostility. In the 
spring of 1870, when the radical managers sought to keep 
control of Georgia by a further interference in her internal 
affairs, a strong and successful opposition was made by the 
conservative senators, led by Trumbull 49 and Schurz. 50 
In the session of 1870-71 the same group made a gallant 
stand against the Enforcement Act. And in the next ses- 
sion, when after the launching of the national Liberal 
movement even the radicals saw the expediency of conces- 
sions, they practically won their fight for general amnesty. 51 

These policies, which created dissensions in official party 
circles, all tended to alienate the independent reform group 

46 Opposition to fraudulent land claims also entered into Cox's trouble 
with the politicians. Ewing, Cox, 24 f. Cox claimed later that his resig- 
nation was due entirely to the failure of the President to sustain him in 
his efforts at civil service reform. See Cox to Sumner, Aug. 3, 1872, 
Sumner MSS. Forney wrote to Sumner (Oct. 20, 1870): "Cameron is 
here. ... He and Chandler have got Cox out of the Interior and 
got Delano in." Ibid. 

47 Rhodes, VI, 387-390; Fish, 213. 

48 Rhodes, VI, 390; Woolley, "Grant's Southern Policy" in Studies in 
Southern History and Politics, 182 ff. 

49 White, 298-300; Cong. Globe, 41 Cong., 2 Sess., 1925 ff. 

50 Bancroft-Dunning, 319; Cong. Globe, 41 Cong., 2 Sess., 2061 ff. 

51 White, 356-360; below, p. 176. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 1 3 

outside. Indeed, the militarist Executive was a sad dis- 
appointment to them from the outset. In the first place, 
his personal tastes and habits were most objectionable. 
His lack of social accomplishments, 52 his utter inability 
to speak in public, 53 his close associations with financiers 
of ill-repute, 54 and especially his dense ignorance of public 
affairs must have provoked the impatience, if not the open 
contempt, of men of their refinement and ability. 55 Policies 
did nothing to remove these unfavorable impressions. 
Instead of the independent progressive administration antic- 
ipated, they saw a strictly partisan conduct of affairs. The 
first acts showed how greatly they had been disappointed 
in their man, 56 and later developments could but deepen 
their disapproval. 57 George William Curtis, though the 
editor of a loyal administration journal, was so good an 
independent in spirit that he was forced to write in private 
correspondence in 1870: "I think the warmest friends of 
Grant feel that he has failed terribly as president — not 
from want of honesty or desire, but from want of tact and 
great ignorance. " 58 The presence of Hoar and Cox in the 
cabinet had been one of the few ties that held the inde- 
pendents to the administration. 59 Their early resignations, 

62 Letters of Mrs. J. G. Blaine, I, 48, 90; Badeau, 171-174. 

53 Badeau, 175 f. 

54 (H. Adams) "The New York Gold Conspiracy" in Westminster 
Review, Oct., 1870, pp. 422 ff. 

65 See, at a little later period, the statement of David A. Wells at the 
Union League Club in 1873, quoted in Austen, Tyler, 79. Professor 
Tyler's own observations on Grant in 1871 are much to the same effect. 
Ibid., 57-62. 

56 Bigelow, IV, 263, 284 f.; Norton's Letters, I, 352; Nation, editorials, 
Mar. 11, 18, 1869. 

57 For a most unfavorable review of Grant's first year, see H. B. 
Adams, "The Session" in North Am. Rev., July 1870, pp. 29 ff. 

58 Curtis to Norton, June 26, 1870, Cary, Curtis, 213. 

59 Lowell wrote to Stephen in March, 1870, after a visit to Washing- 
ton: "He [Judge Hoar] and Mr. Cox struck me as the only really strong 
men in the Cabinet. " Lowell's Letters, II, 56 f. 



14 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

virtual dismissals, showed the growing domination of the 
machine element and the lessening regard for reform 
sentiments. 

The action on the tariff seemed an especial challenge to 
the reformers. The forcing out of David A. Wells, a con- 
spicuous figure in the reform group, from the position of 
special revenue agent was resented as a victory for the 
protected interests in Congress. 60 As a result the attacks 
on the citadel of protection became more persistent than 
ever. In 1870 the Free Trade League waged a most ag- 
gressive campaign. Lecturers were kept in the field in 
the East and Middle West and a great mass of literature 
was distributed. 61 Other measures, much less academic 
but more effective, were taken against the enemy. In 
April at a meeting of revenue reformers in Washington plans 
were laid, it was reported, to defeat prominent protectionist 
representatives. 62 The Liberal Republican campaign in 
Missouri that fall 63 was in part a free- trade demonstration. 
Governor McClurg, the regular Republican candidate, 
was said to have been one of the objectionable high tariff 
men marked for defeat. 64 Grosvenor, of the Missouri 
Democrat, was an ardent free-trader (the author of the 
League's publication, ''Does Protection Protect?"), and he 
put forward this issue so prominently in the Liberal program 65 
that the New York Tribune characterized the whole Missouri 
movement as a free-trade conspiracy. 66 The tariff reformers 

60 Nation, July 7, 1870, p. 2. Atkinson wrote to Sumner (Dec. 1, 
1870) of Cox's resignation: "I suppose Cox's retirement was forced . . . 
because he is a free-trader. " Sumner MSS. 

61 Fifth Report of the American Free Trade League, printed in N. Y. 
Herald, May 31, 1871; Brinkerhoff, Recollections, 190-205; Lloyd, I, 25. 

62 N. Y. Evening Post and Chicago Tribune, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, 
Sept. 7, 1870. 

63 Below, pp. 28 ff. 

64 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 6, 1870. 

65 White, 352; Brinkerhoff, 215. 

66 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 6, 7, 1870. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 1 5 

were credited with the defeat of about a dozen Republican 
congressmen that fall, 67 and they planned to make the most 
of their power in pushing for an early reform measure. A 
meeting was held in New York soon after the election "to 
determine whether an effort may not with advantage be 
made to control the new House of Representatives by a 
union of Western Revenue Reform Republicans with Demo- 
crats. " 68 Speaker Blaine, learning of the projected coali- 
tion in the House, promised to follow the wishes of the 
reformers in the composition of the committee on ways 
and means in case the free-traders would agree not to oppose 
his reelection to the speakership. The proposition was 
accepted by the New York conference. 69 Blaine's manner 
of carrying out the agreement failed to satisfy the more 
pronounced reformers, 70 while it caused alarm in protec- 
tionist circles. 71 

The treatment of the civil service during the first two 
years could be nothing but a cause of offence to the independ- 
ents. The Springfield Republican said of Cox's resignation 
that the President dealt with high offices as if they were "a 
presidential perquisite to be given away upon his mere 
whim, without regard to the claims of the country. . . . 
He has simply allowed himself to manage public affairs, as 
if he were our master and not our steward." 72 A meeting 
of leading civil service reformers at New Haven, in Novem- 
ber, 1870, sent Cox a warm letter of appreciation. 73 

87 N.Y. Tribune, Dec. 13, 1870. 

68 Idem; White, 353. 

69 White, 354; Brinkerhoff, 205. Of this gathering Godkin wrote 
thus enthusiastically to his wife: "All our people are in high spirits. 
The Lord is delivering the politicians into our hands." Ogden, Godkin, 
II, 100. 

70 Springfield Weekly Republican, Apr. 19, 1872; Brinkerhoff, 207. 
For a more favorable view of Blaine's action, see White, 354. 

71 See editorial in Philadelphia Press, Dec. 7, 1871. 

72 Quoted in Merriam, Bowles, II, 129. See also on Cox's resignation, 
Nation, Oct. 13, 1870, p. 232. 

73 Ogden, II, 95. 



1 6 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Amnesty and enfranchisement for those disqualified 
under the Fourteenth Amendment or by state constitutions 
came to be a leading policy of the independents. They 
had supported the main features of the party's reconstruc- 
tion program, including the war amendments, but by 
1870 they felt that the limits of legislative action in dealing 
with the southern problem had been reached. They were 
strongly opposed to the radical policy of continued coer- 
cion in the South for the purpose of retaining a party 
majority. When Georgia's case was before Congress the 
Nation denounced the tactics of the radicals, led by Butler 
and Morton, and commended the stand of the conservatives. 
"The South,' ' it asserted, " ought now to be dropped by 
Congress. All that paper and words can do for it have 
been done. . . . Some men in Congress — notably 
Messrs. Trumbull and Schurz in the Senate — have urged 
all these considerations with a force and clearness which 
show that the statesmanship of earlier days is not extinct 
and that come what will the torrent of folly will never find 
us without strong manly thinkers to breast it." 74 The 
same journal, a little later, maintained that the only way 
of ending the evils of negro and carpet-bag rule was to pass 
an act of general amnesty and leave every community to 
its normal action, allowing the intelligent portion of it to 
take its proper place. Most of the political talent and ex- 
perience of the South were possessed by the disfranchised 
whites and no settlement would be real which did not give 
them their natural influence. 75 The Springfield Republican 
considered Grant's " neglect to do anything important for 
the restoration of good feeling and loyalty at the South" 
the worst of his many mistakes. 76 

The President's inept and undignified conduct, the dicta- 
tion of protected interests in tariff legislation, the prevalence 

74 Nation, Apr. 28, 1870, p. 266. 

76 Ibid., May 19, 1870, p. 314. 

76 Editorial in April, 1871, quoted in Merriam, II, 127. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 1 7 

of scandalously unfit appointments, with the smothering of 
all serious attempts to establish an efficient merit system, 
and the continuation of a narrowly partisan and a cruelly 
unjust southern policy all tended inevitably to range the 
independent reformers with the opposition. 

Thus by 1871, when plans for the next national campaign 
were under consideration, the Republicans were confronted 
by serious factional divisions in all parts of the country. 
The various influences that have just been noted as tending 
to alienate both politicians and reformers all entered into 
this result. Peculiar aggravations existed in certain sec- 
tions, but in all there were to be found factions or leaders 
ready for revolt. A survey of conditions within the state 
organizations by 1871 will further support this conclusion. 

The Massachusetts organization was stirred to the depths 
by the attempted domination of General Benjanim F. 
Butler. As a leading member of the congressional clique 
with a strong, mysterious influence over Grant, 77 this un- 
scrupulous, ever-pushing demagogue had soon secured the 
lion's share of the state patronage. 78 In 1871, with the 
administration's backing and the support of the labor ele- 
ment, he put himself forward vigorously as a candidate for 
governor. 79 The ensuing contest threatened to divide the 
party. Prominent Republicans issued a "manifesto" de- 
nouncing Butler's candidacy, and leading organs assailed 
his pretensions with much bitterness. 80 But, contrary to 

77 Hoar, I, 361 f.; Butler, Butler's Book, 853-855. Grant requested 
Badeau in 1870 to be sparing in his criticism of Butler in his military 
history. See Grant to Badeau, Oct. 23, 1870 and Badeau's comments 
on Grant's attitude towards Butler's military record. Badeau, 471 f. 

78 Hoar, I, 362 L; Pierce, IV, 498. 

79 "The Butler Canvass" in North Am. Rev., Jan. 1872, pp. 147 ff.; 
Poore to Sumner, July 3, Sept. 13, 187 1, Sumner MSS. 

80 Rice to Sumner, Sept. 18, 1871, Sumner MSS; Robinson, " Warring- 
ton" Pen Portraits, 132-134, 439-450; Pierce, IV, 494 f.; Mass. Weekly 
Spy, Sept. 1, 8, 15, 1871; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 25, 1871. 

3 



1 8 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

expectation, Butler submitted with good grace to defeat in 
the state convention and the organization, much to the 
disappointment of the Democrats, remained united. 81 

In New Hampshire by 1870 open hostility to the " ma- 
chine, " directed by E. H. Rollins and W. E. Chandler, 
staunch administration men, had developed over the dis- 
tribution of the patronage and the general conduct of party 
affairs in the state. 82 

The factional differences in New York, the most conspic- 
uous and the most destructive to the party in the East, 
were promoted by Grant's unsteady policy towards the 
rival senators 83 from this pivotal state. Fen ton, who had 
the support of the "Tammany Republicans," 84 at first 
enjoyed the President's favor and disposed of most of the 
offices. 85 But in spite of all his adroitness, he soon lost to 
Conkling, 86 who seems to have been a man after the Presi- 
dent's own heart. 87 The first open trial of strength between 
the rival leaders came in the Senate in 1870 over the con- 
firmation of a close personal friend of the President for 
collector of the port of New York, for whom a Fenton man 
had been removed. Conkling now championed the ad- 
ministration, and after a heated debate, filled with scandal- 
ous personalities, 88 he was sustained by a decisive vote. 
This appointment, a disgracefully unfit one, 89 was followed 

81 Hoar, I, 349; Boston Commonwealth, Sept. 30, 187 1. 

82 Lyford, 221-223, 232. 

83 For excellent contemporary estimates of Fenton and Conkling, 
see Springfield Weekly Republican, Sept. 15, 187 1. 

84 Members of the Republican organization in the City who were 
supposed to be in league with the ring. Nation, Oct. 20, 1870, p. 251; 
Alexander, Pol. Hist, of N. Y., Ill, 250 f. 

85 Conkling, 317, 329. 

86 For Conkling's version of this, see his Cooper Institute speech 
(July 23, 1872) in N. Y. Times, July 24, 1872, and for Fenton's reply, 
see his speech of October 14, 1872, in N. Y. Tribune, Oct. 15, 1872. 

87 Conkling, 326. 

88 Stewart, Reminiscences, 255-257. 

89 See Eaton's report, quoted in Rhodes, VI, 383 n. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 1 9 

by a wholesale proscription of Fentonites. 90 In the state 
convention that fall, Conkling, after being advised by the 
President, 91 overcame the opposing faction by a free use of 
the patronage club. 92 In revenge, the Fenton men took an 
indifferent, if not hostile, attitude toward the party's state 
ticket. 93 The next year, to strike directly at the strength 
of the opposition, the administrationists undertook the 
reorganization of the New York City central committee of 
which Greeley was chairman. 94 This was readily accom- 
plished through the all persuasive argument of the federal 
patronage and a committee entirely subservient to the 
Conklingites was secured. 95 But the old committee refused 
most emphatically to recognize the new city organization. 96 
This factious strife culminated in the state convention of 
1 87 1 with a complete victory for the administration forces. 
The main issues were the selection of a temporary chairman 
and the decision between the rival delegations from the City. 
After an exciting contest, the Conkling candidate was 
chosen chairman and the credentials committee made up 
accordingly. By the direct interference of Conkling, a 
compromise between the rival factions was prevented, and 
both were allowed to take part in the convention, but the 
reorganized committee only was to be recognized in future. 
Thereupon the Fenton-Greeley delegation left the hall in 

90 Eaton's report, in Rhodes, VI, 383^ Alexander, III, 250. 

91 See Grant to Conkling, August 22, 1870, Conkling, 328. 

92 Nation, Sept. 15, 1870, p. 162. 

93 Conkling, 330 f. 

94 N. Y. Times, Jan. 6, Apr. 18, 1871. 

95 N. Y. Evening Post, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, May 30, 1871. 

96 At a meeting of the old committee, Apr. 6, resolutions were adopted 
denouncing the state committee's action and refusing to submit to it. 
Greeley at that time offered a substitute resolution that the committee 
would submit for the good of the party, but it received little support. 
Resolutions were also offered at this time, but were not acted upon, 
condemning the leading administration policies and praising Senator 
Fenton's work in the custom-house investigation. N. Y. Times, Apr. 7, 
1871. 



20 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

great wrath, and held an indignation meeting by them- 
selves. 97 Among those participating in this seceding gath- 
ering were a considerable number who the next year took 
a prominent part in the Liberal revolt. 98 The action of the 
convention completed the factional breach ; New York Re- 
publicans were now separated definitely into administration 
and anti-administration wings. 99 The time, however, was 
not yet ripe for a new party movement. The opposition 
wing gave the state ticket a moderate support 100 and the 
election, coming most opportunely for the administration 
just in the midst of the Tweed exposures, resulted in a good 
majority for the party. 101 Still the old differences remained; 
the administration's organ continued to abuse the opposing 
leaders, 102 and the "outs" attributed all their woes to the 
direct interference of the President in state politics. 103 
There was no real assurance that Grant could carry the 
state in 1872. 

In Pennsylvania the Cameron-Curtin rivalry appears. 
Since the war, the contests of these leaders had kept their 
state organization perturbed. 104 With the ascendancy of 
Cameron as a member of Grant's inner circle the followers 
of Curtin, who was then minister to Russia, were almost 
completely driven from office. 105 Thus in Pennsylvania, as 

97 White, Autobiography, I, 164-167; Nation, Oct. 5, 1871, p. 217. 

98 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 29, 1871, gives a full account of the proceedings 
of the bolters. 

99 Cf. Nation, Oct. 19, 1871, p. 249; Fish to Washburne, Oct. 7, 1871, 
Washburne MSS. 

100 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 30, 1871. Greeley and leading Tammany 
Republicans took part at a Republican mass meeting in the City on 
October 25, N. Y. Times, Oct. 26, 1871. 

101 Alexander, III, 275. 

102 See, for instance, the attack on Fen ton in N. Y. Times, Nov. 16. 
1871. 

103 Blaine, II, 520. 

104 McClure, II, 203-217; S. A. Perveance to Washburne, Jan. 5, 25, 
1 869, Washburne MSS. 

105 McClure, II, 270. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 21 

in New York, a large and dangerous anti-administration 
faction was fostered. Outcasts though they were from 
presidential bounty, they were able at times to exert a 
decisive influence in state politics. 106 By 1871 Governor 
Geary, having broken with Cameron, was an outspoken 
critic of the administration, 107 and there was developing a 
marked opposition in all sections of the state. 108 

In the Middle West there was manifested a growing dis- 
content with the management and policies of the party and 
a marked tendency toward independent action. Ohio, 
as will appear, 109 was one of the chief centers of the inde- 
pendent movements of 1 870-1 871 which culminated in the 
calling of a national Liberal convention. Among the old 
and tried Republican leaders in Illinois and Wisconsin there 
was great dissatisfaction with the conduct of affairs at Wash- 
ington. 110 In 1871 Governor Palmer engaged, somewhat 
unreasonably, 111 in a controversy with the President over 
the use of federal troops during the Chicago fire, 112 which 
seems to have been a chief cause of his joining the Liberals 
the next year. 113 The leadership of Senator Zachariah 
Chandler, always a right-hand man of the administration, 
had produced bitter feeling among Michigan Republicans. 
Former leaders, like Austin Blair, dissatisfied with party 
management and embittered by long thwarted ambitions, 
were well prepared for a bolt. 114 In Iowa, Senator Harlan, 

106 McClure, II, 257, 273. 

107 See interview in N. Y. Herald, Apr. 12, 187 1. 

108 McClure, II, 333. 

109 See below, p. 47. 

110 Greene, "Some Aspects of Politics in the Middle West," 72 f.; 
White, 344, 349; Morehouse, 97-99. 

111 See editorials in Atlantic Monthly, Jan., Feb., 1872, pp. 128, 255. 

112 Palmer, Recollections, 366 n\; Koerner to Trumbull, Dec. 28, 1871. 
Trumbull MSS. 

113 Moses, Illinois, II, 813; Cullom, 192. 

114 Dilla, 99-101, 114-115, 123-127; Stocking, Rep. Party in Mich., 90; 
A. Williams to Sumner, Dec. 28, 1871, Sumner MSS. 



22 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

an ardent and indiscriminate supporter of the administra- 
tion, was defeated for reelection in the winter of 1871-1872 
under conditions of unusual personal bitterness. 115 An 
opposition faction, led apparently by the ostracized ex- 
Senator E. G. Ross, was developing in Kansas. 116 Senato- 
rial contests 117 were also partially responsible for the trouble 
in this state. Nebraska Republicans had troubles of long 
standing. In 1870 a bolting faction, led by Senator Tipton, 
joined with the Democrats in opposing the reelection of a 
Republican governor, and the next year this governor was 
impeached and removed from office. 118 In California a 
sentiment of opposition to the administration office-hold- 
ing clique was developing within Republican ranks. 119 

In the South the partisan radical policy was fast driving 
native whites, whether of Democratic or Whig antecedents, 
into an opposition party, 120 while disputes over the patronage 
were causing disturbances among the carpet-bagger politi- 
cians. In Texas, in 1869, with rival Republican candidates 
in the field, the administration came out openly for Davis, 
the radical, against Hamilton, the conservative. Federal 
officials who supported Hamilton were promptly removed. 121 
Florida radicals were never harmonious ; they quarreled from 
the first over the distribution of federal and state offices. 122 
So badly were they divided in 1870 that the conservative 
opposition was able to gain a clear victory in the state elec- 

115 Brigham, Harlan, 260 fif.; Nation, Jan. 18, 1872, p. 34. 

116 Ross to Trumbull, Feb. 21, 1872, Trumbull MSS. 

117 Crawford, Kan. in the Sixties, 345-347. 

118 Watkins, Hist, of Neb., Ill, 53-55, 62. 

119 F. M. Pixley to Trumbull, Dec. 22, 187 1, Trumbull MSS. 

120 Cf. Hamilton, Reconstruction Period, 541. 

121 Ramsdell, Reconstruction in Tex., 267-282. N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 
6, 1869. The Sumner MSS. for this year contain a number of letters 
from Texas radicals to Sumner, regarding the removal of conservative 
office-holders, and other campaign details. 

122 Davis, Reconstruction in Fla., 542, 610; Wallace, Carpet-bag Rule in 
Fla., 126. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 23 

tion. 123 While sharp practices kept the carpet-bag crowd 
in office for the time being, it was evident that they could 
not much longer retain their grip on the state. 124 Native 
Republicans in North Carolina, like the Helper brothers 125 
and Daniel R. Goodloe, 126 were from the first opposed to the 
radical tendencies. Troubles over federal offices, as usual, 
seem to have aggravated the discontent. 127 Georgia 
through radical abuses and dissensions had passed into the 
control of the Democrats in 1870. 128 The Republicans in 
Louisiana, where the abuses of carpet-bag and negro rule 
reached their height, 129 were contending in violently hostile 
factions. In 187 1 the faction led by the notorious Governor 
Warmoth effected a coalition with the disfranchised Demo- 
crats against the " custom-house M administration faction. 130 
The strife for leadership between their Senators divided the 
party in Mississippi. Senator Alcorn, though elected 
governor by the radicals in 1869, 131 was an ante-bellum 
resident and an old-line Whig; and he scornfully resented 
the pretentions to political ascendancy of General Ames, his 
carpet-bagger colleague. 132 The opposition in South Caro- 
lina, composed of Democrats and conservative Republicans, 
in the " Union Reform" movement of 1870 made a hard but 

123 Davis, 618 ff. 

124 Ibid., 629. 

126 N. Y. Tribune, June 11, 1869, quoting Raleigh Standard; Bassett, 
Anti- Slavery Leaders in N. C, 27 f. 

126 Worth to Goodloe, May 8, 1868, Correspondence of Jonathan Worth 
(Hamilton ed.), II, 1196; Hamilton, "The Election of 1872 in North 
Carolina" in South Atlantic Quart., XI, 144. 

127 Goodloe to Sumner, May 11, 1869, Sumner MSS.; Hamilton, 
"Election of 1872," 144; Bassett, 56. 

128 Avery, Hist, of Ga., 468; the Sumner MSS. for 1869 contain much 
correspondence on the patronage squabbles in Georgia. 

129 Cf. Rhodes, VII, 104. 

130 Phelps, Louisiana, 369; Annual Cyclopedia, 1871, pp. 472-474; 
Fortier, Hist, of La., IV, 117. 

131 Garner, Reconstruc. in Miss., 243, 246. 

132 Ibid., 291. 



24 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

unsuccessful attempt to wrest the state from utterly corrupt 
radical control. 133 In Alabama in 1870 the Democrats and 
Conservatives triumphed, largely owing to the dissensions 
between carpet-baggers and native Republicans. 134 

It was, however, less the factional divisions in the lower 
South than the coalitions in the northern ex-Confederate 
and border states in 1869-70 that brought into being a new 
national party. Here the racial problem was less acute, and 
military control was therefore earlier withdrawn, facilitating 
the political overthrow of the radical minority. 135 

In Arkansas the corrupt, violent, and proscriptive carpet- 
bag government 136 aroused a factional opposition with which 
leading Democrats cooperated in the hope of securing 
universal amnesty and reform. In April 1869, certain 
members of the legislature, "old whigs and disaffected 
Republicans," 137 taking the name " Liberals,' ' adopted res- 
olutions bitterly denouncing the state officers, repudiating 
the radicals as not truly representing the Republican party, 
and urging all citizens to aid the Liberals in purifying the 
party organization. 138 Democratic leaders, like Judges 
Watkins and English and A. H. Garland, favored a coalition 
with this Republican faction. 139 In October, Governor 
Clayton sought to forestall such a coalition by promising the 
earliest possible enfranchisement and a reform in expendi- 

133 Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, p. 681; Reynolds, Reconstruc. in S. Car., 
139-150; O'Connor, O'Connor, 35~37- 

134 Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, p. 15; Fleming, Reconstruc. in Ala., 751. 

135 Cf. Hamilton, Reconstruction Period, 501 f. In Kentucky the open 
break in the party did not come until the state convention in March, 
1872. Warden, Chase, 730 f.; Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 429. 

136 See Hempstead, ''Arkansas from 1861 to 1909" in South in Building 
of the Nation, III, 322-327. 

137 The characterization of the N. Y. Tribune. See editorial May 25, 
1869. 

138 Annual Cyclopedia, 1869, p. 30. 

139 Harrell, Brooks and Baxter War, 93. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 25 

tures. 140 Nevertheless a permanent Liberal organization 
was formed in the same month. 141 In the election of 1870, 
as a result of the division of the Republicans, the Democrats 
made considerable gains and the Liberals elected nine mem- 
bers to the legislature. 142 Thereafter two openly hostile 
Republican factions were recognized — the regulars or 
"minstrels" and the opposition "Liberals" or "brindles." 143 
The latter faction was the basis of the Liberal Republican 
party in the state in 1872. 144 The President followed his 
usual course of removing from federal offices all supporters 
of the opposition. 145 

Another local movement which helped to prepare the 
way for a new national party was that of the Virginia 
"True Republicans" in 1869. In this state strong oppo- 
sition developed to the election of Wells, the radical 
provisional governor, by reason of his support of the dis- 
franchising clauses in the new constitution. He also in- 
curred the enmity of rivals in his own party. 146 The 
regular Republican convention nevertheless nominated 
him in March, whereupon the dissenters, led by William 
Mahone, effected a rival organization under the name of 
"True Republicans" and placed a ticket in the field headed 
by Gilbert C. Walker, then a moderate Republican but 
friendly with the Conservative leaders. 147 The Conserva- 
tives (the designation taken by the opposition in the state, 

140 Harrell, 94; Annual Cyclopedia, 1869, p. 30. 

141 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 25. 

142 Ibid., 1870, p. 32. 

143 Harrell, 96; Johnson, "The Brooks-Baxter War" in Pubs, of 
Ark. Hist. Assoc, II, 122. 

144 Harrell, 123. 

145 Ibid., 113 i. 

146 Eckenrode, Pol. Hist, of Va. during Reconstruc, 116 f. 

147 Ibid., 119 f. Walker, originally a Douglas Democrat, was a native 
of Southern New York. He had served in the Union army and re- 
mained in Virginia after the war. See editorial in N. Y. Tribune, July 8, 
1869; Smith, Executives of Va., 387. 



26 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

including the Democrats, following the war), who had al- 
ready made nominations, reassembled in April and, after 
some opposition, decided to receive the resignations of their 
candidates and to take no further action. Later, in June, 
they issued an address urging support of the Walker ticket. 148 
The coalition thus effected on the basis of opposition to white 
proscription and of political jealousy was most successful; 
the Walker ticket won by over 18,000, and the objectionable 
clause of the constitution was defeated by an overwhelming 
majority. 149 During the campaign the "True" faction 
maintained that they were loyal supporters of the ad- 
ministration, and the Conservative papers resented the 
efforts of northern Democratic organs to represent the result 
as a victory for their party. 150 For a time Grant seemed well 
disposed toward the new movement, 151 but all the influence 
of radical leaders, like Boutwell, was brought to bear against 
this as against all other anti-proscriptive coalition move- 
ments. 152 The Virginia movement was later held, probably 
with essential correctness, to be a real beginning of 
Liberal Republicanism. 153 Governor Walker was sup- 
ported for vice-president in the Cincinnati convention on the 
ground that he was "the first to make a successful Liberal 

148 Pearson, Readjuster Movement, 21; Eckenrode, 123 f.; Goode, 
Recollections, 100 f.; Massey, Autobiography, 42. The changed attitude 
of the Conservatives was due to the decision of the President to allow 
the disfranchising clauses of the constitution to be voted on separately. 

149 Eckenrode, 125; Annual Cyclopedia, 1869, p. 713. 

150 See General Imboden's letter to N. Y. Tribune, May 22, 1869; also 
N. Y. Tribune editorial, July 16, 1869. 

151 Washington Correspondent in ibid., Aug. 12, 1869. 

152 Ibid., July 15, 16, 1869; Boutwell to Sumner, July 19, 1869, 
Sumner MSS. Conkling in the Senate debate, in January, 1870, on the 
admission of Virginia said that the result of the election in that state was 
due to the mistaken notion that the administration favored the coali- 
tionists. Cong. Globe, 41 Cong., 2 sess., 383. 

153 Goode (Recollections, 101) and Smith (Executives of Va., 387) in 
referring to the Walker faction at this time as "Liberal Republicans" 
are anticipating in name, at least. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 2*J 

movement," 154 and during the campaign of 1872 Walker and 
other Liberal leaders in Virginia took every opportunity 
to claim the honor of priority. 155 But whatever its direct 
relations to the national opposition movement, the result 
of the Virginia coalition was most significant at the time 
as showing the trend of sentiment against the continu- 
ation of radical control. "The Virginia election," wrote 
John W. Forney, "is the worst blow we have had since the 
failure of impeachment. . . . There is great danger 
that we shall lose the whole South; and if so, we are gone in 
the North." 156 The New York Herald interpreted this elec- 
tion to mean that the conservatives had "developed a new 
party organization, which, if followed up by the anti-radical 
elements throughout the Union, may soon give us the 
dominant national party of the future." 157 

A similar movement followed in Tennessee. Here the 
Republicans were divided into conservative and radical 
factions over the pressing question of the time and extent of 
the removal of political disabilities. In the election of 1869 
the Democrats had an understanding with the conservative 
candidate, Senter, then acting governor, by which he was to 
have their full support in return for the exercise of his dis- 
cretionary power in allowing them to register. The re- 
sult was an overwhelming conservative triumph. 158 The 

154 N.Y. World, May 1, 1872. 

155 See Walker's interview and speech at Fifth Avenue Conference, 
N. Y. Tribune, June 21, 22, 1872; report of Liberal mass meeting at 
Richmond, Richmond Whig and Advertiser, June 28, 1872. Senator 
Conkling in a campaign speech in 1872 said that Liberal Republican 
movements had first been tried in Virginia, West Virginia and Tennessee. 
Conkling, 442. The Missouri Republican said (Oct. 30, 1871) that 
Walker, Senter (of Tenn.) and Brown (of Mo.) were all Liberal Re- 
publicans. 

156 Forney to Sumner, July 16, 1869, Sumner MSS. 

157 N. Y. Herald, July 8, 1869. 

158 Annual Cyclopedia, 1869, pp. 662 f.; Folk, "Tennessee Since the 
War" in South in Building of the Nation, II, 537; Jones, " Reconstruction 
in Tennessee" in Why the Solid South? 214 f. 



28 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

next year, in the first state election under the new constitu- 
tion, the Democrats were firmly established in power. 159 

In West Virginia in the campaign of 1870 the Democrats 
and conservatives, putting forward the plea of a "white 
man's party' ' and taking full advantage of a favorable 
interpretation of the Enforcement Act by a Democratic 
judge, were able to defeat the radicals. 160 

It was in Missouri, however, that factional strife led most 
directly to a national Liberal movement. Party insurgency 
here was due partly to an oppressively proscriptive radical 
policy and partly to dissatisfaction over federal appoint- 
ments. Early in the war the Union party in Missouri 
was divided into definite radical and conservative fac- 
tions. 161 The radicals, securing complete control of the 
constitutional convention of 1865, instituted a sweeping 
proscription of all those in any way concerned in the 
rebellion. 162 Such a policy was opposed to the political 
interests as well as to the principles of conservative leaders. 
At St. Louis, in December, 1866, the more liberal element of 
the party, responding to the widespread complaints at the 
restrictive clauses, set on foot a movement for universal 
amnesty and enfranchisement. 163 B. Gratz Brown, origi- 
nally a Benton Democrat 164 and in the front ranks of the 
Union and anti-slavery men during the war, 165 took the lead 
in this opposition to radical policies. With the coming of 
Carl Schurz to St. Louis the next year the liberal cause in 
Missouri secured another efficient champion. 166 Schurz's 
views in this matter were known. In the last Republican 

159 Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, pp. 709 f. 

160 Ibid., 751-753; Callahan, Hist, of W. Va., 167. 

161 Harding, "Missouri Party Struggles in the Civil War Period" in 
Rep. Am. Hist. Assoc, 1900, I, 98; Smith, Rollins, 34-38. 

162 Harding, 102; Switzler, Hist, of Mo., 454-459, 464. 

163 Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, p. 517; Switzler, 460. 

164 Switzler, 277. 

165 Harding, 97. 

166 Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, p. 517. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 29 

national convention he had secured the adoption of a 
resolution favoring the removal of rebel disqualifications 
so soon as safe and practicable. 167 Within two years he was 
elected to the United States Senate, after a bitter contest 
with the radical "boss," Charles D. Drake, as the represen- 
tative of the liberal faction. 168 By 1870 the differences over 
enfranchisement had divided the party in the state into 
distinct " Radical' ' and "Liberal" wings. 169 

The action of the state convention in August of that year 
precipitated the party's disruption. The Radicals, so their 
opponents said, had used most reprehensible tactics, 
packing the convention with their adherents by manipulat- 
ing the negro vote and by holding "snap" caucuses. 170 
The main question before the convention was that of the 
amendments to the state constitution, then before the voters, 
for the removal of disabilities. 171 After a heated discussion, 
the Radical resolution, approving the submission of the 
amendments and declaring for enfranchisement "as soon 
as it can be done with safety to the State," was adopted by a 
majority of ninety seven over the Liberal substitute, declar- 
ing "unequivocally in favor of the adoption of the Constitu- 
tional Amendments." Thereupon the two hundred and 
fifty Liberals withdrew and organized a separate convention. 
An attempt by the regular convention to compose the dif- 
ferences by a conference committee failed, and the Liberals 
named a ticket of their own, headed by Gratz Brown for 
governor. 172 

The federal patronage was another influence creating 
dissensions in the Missouri organization. William McKee, 
owner of the Missouri Democrat, the chief Republican organ 

167 Schurz, III,284f. 

168 Ibid., 292-301; Schurz's Writings, I, 473-481. 

169 Switzler, 469. 

170 Schurz's Writings, I, 513 f. 

171 Switzler, 468 f . 

172 Ibid., 470 f.; Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, pp. 519 f. 



30 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

in the state, was so indignant at having his regular organiza- 
tion selections for federal positions passed over for the 
President's personal friends, who had no other claim on the 
party, that he championed the insurgent movement to show 
his power. 173 The sentiment for tariff reform among 
Missouri Republicans, as already noted, 174 was probably an 
additional factor of some weight in producing the Liberal 
bolt. 

The Democrats, kept in a hopeless minority through the 
operation of the test-oath clause, adopted at this time what 
was termed the " passive policy,' ' an abstention for the time 
being from open party activity. 175 In the campaign they 
heartily supported Brown, and their leading paper, the 
Missouri Republican, finally declared for the Liberal 
ticket. 176 

The Missouri campaign was conducted most vigorously 
and aroused attention throughout the country. 177 The 
Liberals issued an address, written by Schurz, in which they 
unsparingly arraigned the Radicals for their illiberality, 
party trickery, and corruption in office; and claimed them- 

173 McDonald, Hist, of Whiskey Ring, 28-32; W. M. Grosvenor's 
letter to N. Y. Herald (Nov. 17, 1875) on the history of the whiskey 
ring, also printed in McDonald, 39 ff . McKee, on the formation of the 
ring the following year, took his paper back to the administration side. 
Grosvenor, letter as above and quoted in McDonald, 40. 

174 Above, p. 14. 

175 The Democratic members of the legislature recommended such a 
policy in March and it was officially proclaimed by the state committee 
in August. Switzler, 469 f.; Mo. Republican, Aug. 14, 1870. The 
Republican said editorially, June 30, that it thought that nine-tenths of 
the Democrats of the state were opposed to the naming of a ticket. 

176 At first the Republican was an unfavorable critic of the Liberal 
leaders, see editorials, Sept. 5, 6, 1870, but later it came out fully for 
Brown, editorials Sept. 29, Nov. 3, 1870. 

177 Brown wrote to J. R. Doolittle, Oct. 17, 1870, that they had a most 
bitter fight because it meant death to the "rings," and "because it has 
its ulterior significance." Doolittle Papers, copy in Mo. Historical 
Society Library and printed in Mo. Hist. Rev., XI, 11 f. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 3 1 

selves to represent the true Republican party of Missouri. 178 
Schurz at the start evidently had hoped to prevent a break 
with the administration. Before leaving the capital to 
attend the state convention he had written to Grant a most 
conciliatory note in which he expressed regret over their 
differences on the San Domingo question and assured the 
President that the Senator's personal attitude had been 
misrepresented. 179 Shortly after the convention, in a letter 
to Secretary Fish, he made this comment on the local situa- 
tion: " As to our bolt in Missouri, I send you our manifesto. 
It was a necessary thing." 180 Grant, however, could see 
nothing but party treason in the action of the Liberals. 181 
The motives of the reformers he could not comprehend ; but 
he appreciated fully those of the politicians and put the 
bolters all in this class. 182 He had had quite enough of 
bolting coalition movements and he brought to bear against 
the present one all the weight of administration disfavor. 
"I regard the movement headed by Carl Schurz, Brown, 
etc.," he wrote to the collector at St. Louis, "as similar to 
the Tennessee and Virginia movements intended to carry a 
portion of the Republican party over to the Democracy, and 
thus give them control. ... I hope you will see your 
way clear to give the regular ticket your support." 183 Fed- 
eral office-holders in Missouri were freely called upon for 
funds for the Radical cause and those adhering to the Lib- 
erals were promptly displaced. 184 In explaining why he 
could not leave the state during the campaign, Schurz wrote 

178 Schurz' s Writings, I, 510 ff. 

179 Schurz to Grant, July 17, 1870, ibid., 509. 

180 Schurz to Fish, Sept. 11, 1870, ibid., 520. 

181 Cf. White, 355. 

182 See Grosvenor's letter in N. Y. Herald, Nov. 17, 1875. 

183 Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, p. 520. 

184 L. U. Reavis to Sumner, Dec. 1, 1870, Sumner MSS. Senator 
Drake, in defending the President's action in the Senate, Dec. 16, 1870, 
declared: "I advised and asked for those removals, and would do it 
again. " Cong. Globe, 41 Cong., 3 Sess., 7. 



32 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

to Senator Carpenter: V You do not seem to be aware that 
Grant has read me out of the Republican party and is 
vigorously chopping off the heads of those who are suspected 
of sympathizing with me. Under such circumstances I 
have to fight right here. Had not Grant given himself into 
Drake's keeping and interfered in our affairs, we 'bolters' 
would have swept almost the whole Republican party with 
us. But the President fighting us (and fighting himself 
too), we have to work for we not only want to carry the 
State, but to carry it heavily. 

"So you may thank Grant for it if I have no time to 
devote to the outside world. Oh, there is much wisdom in 
high places.!" 185 

Despite all official interference in the campaign, the Lib- 
eral ticket was elected by over 40,000 majority and the 
suffrage amendments were adopted overwhelmingly. 186 
The new congressional delegation was composed of four 
Democrats, three Radicals, and two Liberals. 187 In the 
legislature the coalitionists had complete control, 188 the 
Democratic members alone having a majority on joint ballot. 
The Democrats secured the election of their candidate for 
speaker, and that of their redoubtable champion, F. P. 
Blair, Jr., to fill a vacancy in the United States Senate. 189 
Schurz's speech in the Senate in December, 190 in which he 
presented an elaborate exposition and defense of the " Mis- 
souri movement," made it clear that his break with the 

185 Schurz to Carpenter, Oct. 20, 1870, Schurz's Writings, I, 520 f. 

186 Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, p. 521; Switzler, 468 f. 

187 Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, p. 521. 

188 The membership was as follows: Senate — Democrats 13; Fusion 
(elected by the united votes of Dems. and Libs.) 3; Liberals 6; Republi- 
cans 12. House — Dems. 77; Fus., 12; Libs. 20; Reps., 24. Switzler, 
471. 

189 Ibid., 471 f.; Smith, Rollins, 56 f. 

190 Schurz's Writings, 11,2 6". 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 33 

administration was complete, 191 and that he regarded party 
ties very lightly. 

So by the end of the second year of Grant — the President 
of whom the Republicans had had such high expectations — 
the party was confronted by dissensions or actual divisions 
in every section of the country. The leading Democratic 
organ thus graphically and gleefully pictured the situation 
of the enemy: "Greeley and Fen ton against Grant and 
Conkling, Butler and anti-Butler, Cameron and anti-Cam- 
eron, Sherman and anti-Sherman, Harlan and anti-Harlan, 
Schurz and haters of Schurz, Warmoth and Dunn, Hamilton 
and Davis — truly is not the Republican party a united band 
of brothers." 192 And an influential independent Republican 
editor warned the President that if he expected to be re- 
elected he should begin at once to make up with leaders 
like Sumner, Schurz, Trumbull, and Fen ton, all of whom 
represented strong elements in the party. 193 Other keen 
observers, of Republican affiliations, expressed similar 
sentiments in private correspondence. 194 

191 Senator Howe, of Wisconsin, wrote to Sumner (Oct. 25, 1870): 
"I fear Schurz is gone 'hook, line, bob and sinker.'" Sumner MSS. 
Schurz, in private conversation, thus denned his position in December, 
1870: " I have taken my political life in my hand. I have resolved to act 
as if I were to end my career with this term in the Senate; to be in- 
dependent, true to my real convictions, and not hesitate to say and do 
what I think to be right on account of any regard for a reelection." 
Austen, Tyler, 53. 

192 N. Y. World, Sept. 30, 1871. 

193 Cincinnati Commercial, May 3, 1871. 

194 Various letters to Sumner, preserved in the Sumner MSS., express 
such views: Bigelow wrote from Paris (Oct. 2, 1870) that every one told 
him that Grant could not be reelected; W. S. Robinson (Dec. 23, 1870) 
feared that the dissensions in Congress would lead to Republican defeat 
in 1872; George William Curtis (Jan. 14, 1871) thought that the party's 
supremacy was seriously threatened. If factional divisions in Congress 
and the state organizations were not soon healed "we are already beaten." 
Forney wrote (Aug. 24, 1871): "There is no doubt in my mind that the 
Republican opposition to President Grant can defeat his reelection if 
organized under a separate flag.' ' But he was equally certain that it 
could not prevent his renomination. 

4 



34 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

The weakening influence on the party of factional differ- 
ences in state organizations and of independent opposition 
to administration policies had been shown to some extent 
in the mid-term congressional elections of 1870, as usual a 
good test of the administration's standing before the coun- 
try. The Republican majority in the House was reduced 
from ninety eight in the Forty-first Congress to thirty seven 
in the Forty-second 195 and the party lost in addition four 
senators. 196 The Democrats gained sixteen of their repre- 
sentatives in the four border states of Virginia, Tennessee, 
West Virginia and Missouri, 197 and their senators in Missouri, 
Tennessee, West Virginia, and North Carolina. 

With disappointed factions in nearly every state, whom 
no sufficient means was taken to conciliate, and with the 
independents agitating for reforms which were, for the most 
part, inadequately supported or opposed by the adminis- 
tration, opposition to the President's renomination was 
inevitable. During 187 1 this opposition showed consider- 
able strength. 

The independent press was practically a unit in deprecat- 
ing an extension of the military politician rule. The New 
York Herald, viewing the political field "from our inde- 
pendent and impartial standpoint/' presented a formidable 
catalogue of Grant's failures as administrator and party 
leader. 198 The Nation thought that the President's in- 
terference to secure Sumner's removal would give "a 
serious, if not fatal, blow to General Grant's prospects of 
renomination." 199 This indiscretion, however, was 
trifling compared with the sins for which this journal held 

195 Evening Journal Alamanac, 1872, p. 48. 

196 Ibid., 1870, p. 29, 1872, p. 43. 

197 Exclusive of the two Liberal Republican members from Mo. 
Farther south the Democrats gained seven. Other notable gains were 
the three New Hampshire members, five in Pa., and three in New York. 

198 N. Y. Herald, Jan. 6, 1871. See also editorial, Apr. 3, 1871. 

199 Nation, Mar. 16, 1871, p. 172. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 35 

the administration to account. 200 Bowles, after hesitating 
so long as he could in the vain hope of better things from 
the President, 201 came out with telling impeachments of 
Grant's fitness to uphold the party's principles and tradi- 
tions. The Republican party should have, he thought, 
a candidate "more in sympathy with its moral and intel- 
lectual tone, its reforming and progressive traditions, and 
more earnest, by temperament and associations, for the 
elevations and improvements in the offices of our govern- 
ment, and the character of its represenatatives which the 
people are so earnestly demanding, and the success of 
republican institutions so grievously needs." He was 
doubtful if a more suitable candidate could secure the 
nomination over Grant, but he pledged the Republican to 
work with those who were seeking that end. 202 The Cin- 
cinnati Commerical predicted that after all the scandals and 
blunders that had thus far marked Grant's presidency there 
would soon be " evidences of a widespread conviction that 
he is the man whose candidacy in 1872 cannot be con- 
sidered endurable." 203 

Factional opposition to the President's renomination was 
not lacking. Charles A. Dana in the Sun, almost from the 
start, had been condemning the administration's shortcom- 
ings wuth his peculiar virulence. 204 Governor Geary in his 
message to the Pennsylvania legislature took occasion to 
denounce the President's southern policy. 205 Summer, 
resorting to bitterest denunciation, used all his powers of 
persuasion to convince his friends of Grant's utter unfitness 
for office and of the impossibility of his reelection. 206 Gree- 

200 Nation, June 8, 187 1, p. 396. 

201 Bowles to Colfax, Jan 2, 21, 1871, Hollister, Colfax, 360. 

202 Springfield Weekly Republican, Nov. 17, 187 1. 

203 Cincinnati Commercial, Mar. 18, 1871. 

204 Wilson, 413 ff. 

205 N. Y. Herald, Jan. 6, 187 1. 

206 Sumner to Smith, Aug. 20, 28, Sept. 3, 1871, Frothingham, Smith, 
318, 321, 323. See also Austen, Tyler, 54. 



36 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

ley's opposition to a second term for Grant will be noted 
presently in connection with the former's candidacy for the 
Republican nomination. 207 

Unfortunately for the anti-Grant movement, it seemed 
impossible to find a candidate who could unite all the oppo- 
sition elements in the party. The Springfield Republican 
suggested as acceptable candidates Colfax, Boutwell and 
Hawley from those supporting the administration, and 
Adams, Greeley, Cox, Trumbull, Judge Davis, Gratz Brown, 
and Curtin, of those opposed to it. Any selection from this 
list, it contended, would provide a more available candidate 
and a far more capable president. " Indeed/ ' it urged, 
"as it did not seem safe for the republicans to nominate 
any other than Grant in 1868, so it is hardly safe for it to 
renominate him now. It can elect next year almost any 
one of the men we have mentioned, more easily than it can 
reelect him, and with a better promise of beneficient results 
to the country." 208 Governor Geary of Pennsylvania, after 
his reelection in 1870, developed some presidential aspira- 
tions, which designing friends encouraged. 209 But the Gov- 
ernor seems scarcely to have been of presidential caliber, 
and, despite his strength with the labor element, 210 his 
candidacy never became formidable. There was a consider- 
able sentiment, extending even to the independent element, 
to elevate Colfax to the first place, 211 but the Vice-President, 
by all accounts, was loyal throughout to the head of his 
party. 212 

Certain of Greeley's especial admirers launched a boom 
for their favorite at this time which attained to some pro- 

207 See below. 

208 Springfield Weekly Republican, Nov. 17, 187 1. 

209 McClure, II, 274. Geary finally gave Grant a "luke-warm sup- 
port. " Ibid., 277. 

210 Ibid., 276. 

211 Hollister, 348-355, 358-362. But for Godkin's most contemptuous 
opinion of Colfax, see Ogden, II, 102. 

212 Hollister, 348-350, 355-358, 361-364; Austen, Tyler, 52. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 37 

portions. Greeley had been a hearty supporter of Grant 
in 1868, 213 and, in the main, had sustained the administra- 
tion's policies against its critics until after the state election 
of 1 87 1. 214 As a leading member of the Fen ton wing, he 
naturally was indignant over the use of the federal patron- 
age* in New York. 215 But he seems to have been most 
desirous that the party organization should not be broken 
up by factional strife. 216 Early in 1871 a rather definite 
campaign was started to secure the Republican nomination 
for Greeley. Cassius M. Clay, at odds with the adminis- 
tration after his recall from the Russian mission, 217 declared 
for Greeley in January, either as the Republican or an 
independent candidate. 218 Theodore Tilton was another 
original Greeley man. 219 In April Greeley replied to the 
solicitations of a Kansas correspondent, who purported to 
speak for many Greeley supporters of that state, in a letter 
made public in May, that, while in future he desired never 
to be a candidate for any political position, he proposed 
" never to decline any duty or responsibility which my 
political friends shall see fit to devolve upon me and of which 
I shall be able to fulfill the obligations without neglecting 

213 See, for instance, editorial in N. Y. Tribune, May 25, 1868. After 
the election Greeley had been mentioned for postmaster general. 
Nation, Nov. 12, 1868, p. 381. 

214 Ingersoll, Greeley, 512; editorial in N. Y. Tribune, June 21, 1870. 

215 N. Y. Tribune, Nov. 10, 1870; Nov. 9, 22, 1871. 

216 Reid to Bigelow, Apr. 10, 1871, Bigelow, IV, 488. In January, 
1 87 1, in a speech before the city general committee, after a cordial 
defence of the administration, he ventured "to suggest that General 
Grant will be far better qualified for that momentous trust in 1872 than 
he was in 1868." N. Y. Herald, Jan. 6, 1871. Later in the year the 
Tribune stated that while it was opposed to Grant's renomination, it 
would support him in that event. N. Y. Tribune, May 6, 187 1. 

217 Clay, Memoirs, I, 451-459. 
216 Ibid., 502. 

219 Halstead, "Breakfasts with Horace Greeley" in Cosmopolitan, 
XXXVI, 700-702. Greeley gave Tilton credit for "inventing " him as a 
candidate. See Greeley's letter in Golden Age, Aug. 12, 1871. 



38 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

older and more imperative duties." 220 The issue peculiar 
to Greeley at this time was that of a single term for the 
president. He had long been an advocate of this " princi- 
ple/' 221 and he now brought it forward as a sufficient argu- 
ment against the propriety of Grant's renomination. In 
his letter to his Kansas admirer he stated that he had "not 
yet formed a decided opinion as to the man who ought to 
be our next Republican candidate for President, but it 
seems to me advisable that he should be a steadfast, con- 
sistent believer in the good old Whig doctrine of one 
Presidential Term." Later in the year, when the Tribune s 
opposition to Grant became more open, Greeley made much 
of this argument. 222 As regards the more widely agitated 
reform issues of the time, Greeley, the most conspicuous 
protectionist of his day, was most hostile to all efforts for 
tariff reduction, and neither in theory nor in practice had 
he stood for civil service reform ; but he had been the leader 
in his party from the first in the movement for general 
amnesty. 223 His position on this issue was especially em- 
phasized this year by his southern trip. In May he went 
to Houston, Texas, to deliver an address at the state fair, 
and took the opportunity to visit the principal southern 
cities. He was everywhere received well, generally with 
enthusiasm. 224 In his speeches on public affairs, he pled 
earnestly for the reconciliation of the sections and declared 
for immediate and universal amnesty. 225 At a reception 
in New York on his return, given by political friends among 
whom the leaders of the Fenton faction were most promi- 

220 N. Y. Tribune, May 30, 1871. 

221 See his article, "The One-Term Principle" in Galaxy, Oct. 1871, pp. 
488 ff. 

222 See editorials in N. Y. Tribune, Dec. 11, 16, 25, 1871. 

223 Cf. Linn, Greeley, 217; Ross, "Horace Greeley and the South," 
1865-1872, South Atlantic Quarterly, XVI, 325 ff. 

224 N. Y. Tribune, May 15, 20, 23; June 1, 1871; N. Y. Herald, May 22, 
1871 ; Ross, "Horace Greeley and the South, 1865-1872, " 333 f. 

225 N. F. Tribune, May 22, 30, 1871. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 39 

nent, he set forth at some length his views on southern 
conditions. 226 Following his southern trip, Greeley was 
fairly before the country as a candidate to succeed Grant. 
His particular supporters now declared themselves openly. 
Tilton's Golden Age 227 and Leslie's Newspaper 228 were most 
ardent advocates, and C. M. Clay, in a Fourth of July 
speech at Lexington and in October at the St. Louis fair, 
presented Greeley's claims as the candidate best fitted to 
deal with the problems before the country. 229 Greeley's 
customary western lecturing trip in the fall was spoken of 
in some quarters as a " presidential tour." 230 In Chicago 
at a supper given in his honor by John Wentworth and 
Josiah B. Grinnell, both prominent in the Liberal movement 
the following year, Greeley's nomination by the Republicans 
was suggested. 231 Leading independent Republican papers 
also spoke of Greeley's nomination with favor. 232 But the 
pretentions of the editor of the Tribune were frowned upon 
by fellow editors of the administration press. His views of 
the southern question were held to be mistaken and danger- 
ous, and in his relations with the opposition faction in New 
York he was charged with being merely a tool of Tammany 
politicians. 233 It may well be doubted if Greeley at this 
time had serious expectations of securing the Republican 
nomination. His public utterances on the subject certainly 

226 N. Y. Herald, June 13, 1871 ; N. Y. World, same date. The speech 
is also printed in full in Greeley's Letters from Texas, etc. An assembly 
district "Greeley Club" was formed the same night. 

227 Golden Age, June 3, 24; July 1, 15, 1871. 

228 Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, July 15, 1871. 

229 Clay, I, 502 f ; Golden Age, July 15, 1871. 

230 Sunday Mercury, quoted in N. Y. Times, Sept. 4, 187 1; N. Y. 
World, same date. 

231 N. Y. Herald, Sept. 13, 187 1. 

232 See, for instance, Cincinnati Commercial, Apr. 15, 20, 1871; 
Springfield Weekly Republican, June 16, 1871. For Bowles' high regard 
for Greeley at this time, see Hollister, 361. 

233 N. Y. Times, June 8; Nov. 19, 23, 1871; Cincinnati Semi-Weekly 
Gazette, June 2, 1871. 



40 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

show no such attitude of mind, 234 and there is some evidence 
that in allowing his candidacy to be considered at all he was 
seeking merely to weaken Grant and to help to secure the 
nomination of a more desirable candidate, like Colfax. 235 
But whatever his motives, there can be no doubt that the 
movement started for Greeley at this time was an essential 
factor in his nomination by the Liberals the next year. 

It was soon evident that, no matter what candidate was put 
in the field against him, opposition to Grant's renomination 
was futile. The President being in full favor with the or- 
ganization, all of its powerful machinery was set in motion 
to insure a second term. The patronage was bestowed 
where it would do the most good, and federal officials were 
busily employed in seeing that the right sort of delegates 
were chosen in their districts. 236 The Republican organi- 
zation in the South was then, as it has been ever since, the 
useful servant of the administration. 237 Morton in advocat- 
ing Grant's renomination at a serenade given to the Senator 
in April set the example for the faithful. 238 In some cases 
Republicans of advanced views and not in sympathy with 
many administrative policies, putting the continuation of 
their party's control above other considerations, made the 
best of the inevitable. George William Curtis, who was 
in many respects one in spirit with the independents, 239 had 
no illusions about Grant's shortcomings but felt, neverthe- 
less, that it was best that he should be renominated. 240 

234 See his letter in Golden Age, Aug. 12, 1871, and his speech on his 
return from his southern trip, N. Y. World, June 13, 1871. 

235 Hollister, 355, 361. 

236 Cf. Nation, Sept. 14, 1871, p. 172. In July Senator Sherman wrote 
to his brother that Grant would be renominated. Sherman Letters, 232. 

237 See editorial in N. Y. World, July 3, 187 1. 

238 Foulke, II, 197. 

239 For a time evidently, Curtis was thinking strongly of supporting 
the opposition faction. Harper, House of Harper, 301. 

240 Curtis to Norton, Mar. 4, 1871, Cary, Curtis, 215; Curtis to Sumner, 
Jan. 19, July 28, 1871, Sumner MSS. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 4 1 

Gerrit Smith, admitting the President's errors of judgment, 
considered his renomination absolutely necessary to pre- 
serve the results of the war by preventing that most-to-be- 
dreaded calamity of a Democratic rule. 241 Judge Hoar 
considered Grant "a pretty poor President/' 242 but his 
scruples and personal grievances were not sufficient to range 
him with the President's opponents. 243 Certain Republican 
members of Congress who at times showed strong reform 
tendencies and were known to be averse to many of the ways 
of the administration failed to take action to secure a more 
acceptable candidate. 244 

The administration forces, on their side, in view of the 
threatening dangers to the organization from factional 
division and independent opposition, made some efforts to 
promote unity and harmony by endorsing reform projects 
and by attempting to conciliate disaffected party leaders. 
General Grant, during his first term, while taking up readily 
enough with some of the most objectionable features of 
organization politics, seems to have acquired little of the 
skill and tact so essential to the true party leader. He was 
thoroughly disgusted with the factious majority in his first 
Congress, and thought, as he confided to his bosom friend, 
that fear of the Democrats was all that kept the party from 
losing the House, 245 but he apparently had no clear idea of 
leading and harmonizing his majority in their general 
policy. When he expected the resignation of his Secretary 
of State in 1871, he thought that the country and party 
would be best served by the transfer of the Vice-President 
to that department. 246 He apparently had slight fears for 

241 Smith to Sumner, Aug. 23, 31, 1871. Frothingham, 320, 322. 
See also Smith's "broadside," issued in August in defense of Grant, and 
the President's acknowledgment. Ibid., 317, 329. 

242 Storey and Emerson, Hoar, 245. 

243 Ibid., 229. 

244 See below, p. 53. 

245 Grant to Washburne, July 10, 1870, Grant, Letters to a Friend, 66 f. 

246 Grant to Colfax, Aug. 4, 1871, Hollister, 356 f. 



42 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

the outcome in 1872. " Everything, M he wrote in the 
summer of 1871, " seems to be working favorably for a loyal 
administration of the Government for four years after the 
4th of March, i873." 247 In November of the same year, he 
thought that the only serious, danger threatening the party 
was from possible unfavorable awards at Geneva. 248 But 
that even the stolid General could not be entirely insensible 
to the demands for improvement in certain lines was evinced 
by his message to Congress in December, 1871. He favored 
certain tariff readjustments, a closer supervision of the 
public lands, the removal of southern disabilities, and re- 
ported the formulation under executive supervision of civil 
service rules. 249 "How completely," wrote Bowles, "our 
good President comes over to the advanced platform in his 
message! Really, it is pretty discouraging to those of us 
who are trying to have the convention nominate another 
man! If he w r ould only practise as well as he preaches, he 
would not leave a single inch for us to stand upon. . . . 
Still, I insist he is the weakest candidate the Republican 
Party can nominate. And yet, again, I don't see how it is 
possible to nominate anyone else. And yet I hope! ,,25 ° 

Some efforts were made, too, by administration supporters 
to conciliate the leaders of the growing opposition. Senator 
J. S. Morrill begged Sumner, during the Missouri campaign, 
to use his influence to prevent Schurz from taking a stand 
which would lead to his break with the party. 251 Some of 
Sumner's colleagues tried hard to retain his support for 
the organization. After the adjournment of Congress in 

247 Grant to Colfax, Aug. 4, 187 1, Hollister, 356 f. 

248 Grant to Badeau, Nov. 19, 1871, Grant in Peace, 473. Cf. a similar 
opinion of Boutwell in his letter to Washburne, May 9, 1871, Washburne 
MSS. 

249 Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents , VII, 148, 152, 

153,155,156-159. 

250 Bowles to Colfax, Dec. 14, 1871, Hollister, 364. 

251 Morrill to Sumner, Sept. 10, 1870, Sumner MSS., and printed in 
Forum, XXIV, 409. 



LIBERAL FACTION IN UNION REPUBLICAN PARTY 43 

187 1, Morton wrote in a most conciliatory strain deploring 
the San Domingo dispute, as it was a " controversy among 
friends'' and hoped that the memory of it would not be 
revived. He assured Sumner that he was still his " friend 
and admirer," and urged a mutual toleration of their con- 
flicting views: " In the course I took I believed I was doing 
right, what was best for my country and party; and I give 
you credit for equal purity of purpose and patriotism. 
My earnest wish is now for the harmony of the Republican 
party for the sake of the country." 252 Henry Wilson, al- 
ways a party peacemaker, later tried persistently to compose 
the differences between Sumner and the President, but all to 
no purpose. 253 In the fall of 1870 Greeley was sounded on 
the English mission, probably with no expectation that he 
would accept. 254 The President also tried to win over the 
influential editor by social attentions, but his efforts re- 
sulted in no better mutual understanding. 255 In New York 
the more discriminating party journals, while severely 
condemning the intrigues with Tammany of the opposition 
faction, freely censured the administration for its unfair 
distribution of the patronage, and urged a recognition of 
Fenton men, both from motives of justice and expediency. 256 
Conkling protested to Sherman after the divided state 
convention that, in spite of the bitter complaints of the 
Tribune, the administrationists had "done nothing harsh 
to the anti-administration minority, but the least and 
mildest thing which would prevent a split in our organiza- 
tion with trouble for the future, and probably a double 

252 Morton to Sumner, Aug. 20, 1871, Pierce, IV, 488. See also Howe 
to Sumner, July 21, Aug. 30, 1870; Morrill to Sumner, Sept. 5, 10, 1870, 
Sumner MSS. (the letter of Sept. 10 is printed in the Forum, XXIV, 
409); Fish to Morrill, Sept. 6, 1870, Forum, XXIV, 410. 

253 Pierce, IV, 497. 

254 Hollister, 359. 

255 Ibid., 360; Andrews, U. S. in Our Time, 58. 

266 Harper's Weekly, Mar. 18, 1871; Independent, Oct. 5, 1871. 



44 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

delegation in the next national convention. " 257 Opposing 
Republican papers were consolidated in New Hampshire 
in 1 87 1 as a means toward putting an end to the factional 
fight in that state. 258 Late in 1871, favors were temptingly- 
held out to the leaders of the Curtin faction in Pennsylvania 
to keep them from joining the opposition movement. 
McClure declined a federal district attorneyship, 259 and an 
offer, made through Senator Wilson, to permit the Curtin 
men to name a cabinet member was not accepted. 260 No 
compromise which involved the continuance of Cameron's 
domination of the state organization would now be consid- 
ered. 261 Early in 1872, when George W. Julian was sug- 
gested as a Republican candidate for Congress, the Morton 
faction was ready, after years of antagonism, to call a truce. 
But coming at this late hour, the cessation of factional strife 
failed to keep this veteran Republican in the party fold. 262 

Appeals to party loyalty could not reconcile all the dis- 
cordant elements; factional and reform opposition was 
too deep-rooted. The hopeful observation of a western 
organ that the " white heat of party dissensions in Massa- 
chusetts and New York seems to have ended in fusing the 
discordant elements, ,,2e3 was true only for the time being. 
The fundamental causes of disruption remained and the 
administrationists, while recognizing their existence, failed 
to take the steps necessary for their removal; at the begin- 
ning of the presidential year the factions in the party were 
unreconciled and the reformers were unsatisfied. All that 
was needed for an open split was the organization of a 
national opposition movement. 

257 Conkling to Sherman, Oct. 13, 1871, Sherman, I, 479. 
268 Gerrish to Washburne, Sept. 27, 1871, Washburne MSS. 

259 McClure, II, 328 f. 

260 Ibid., 330 f. 

261 Ibid., 329, 331. 

262 Julian, 335. 

263 St. Paul Weekly Press, Oct. 5, 1871. 



CHAPTER II 

DEVELOPMENT OF A NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 

By the end of 1871, when it had become evident that no 
influence within the party could prevent Grant's renomina- 
tion, a movement for the formation of a new party was 
already under way. In 1870, some of the leading tariff and 
civil service reformers seem to have thought this the quickest 
and surest means for securing their ends, and the Missouri 
bolt gave a decided impetus toward a new reform party. 
The free-trade propaganda in the congressional elections 
was looked upon in regular party circles as a move toward 
a separate organization, 1 and such a course was for a time 
contemplated, 2 but it was postponed indefinitely after the 
election. 3 Probably a few only of the more advanced of 
the independent group thought it wise to leave the old 
party while there were hopes of better things from it. 
Bowles, who broke away from the Republicans with great 
reluctance only after he became convinced that the reform 
element could not get a fair hearing, felt at this time that 
the desired reforms could be better secured under the old 
banner. 4 Early in the year, when the new party question 
was already getting into congressional debates, the Nation 
thought that the formation of a reform party at this time 
would not be practicable, as no new organization could 
be built up which would unite both tariff and currency re- 

1 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 6, 7, 1870. 

2 Merriam, Bowles, II, 135. A call for a national reform convention 
was actually drawn up at this time. See speech of C. F. Adams, Jr. 
at Quincy, Sept. 30, 1872. Springfield Weekly Republican, Oct. 4, 1872. 

3 N. Y. Tribune, Dec. 13, 1870; Morton to Fishback, Dec. 9, 1870, 
Foulke, Morton, II, 145 n. 

4 Springfield Weekly Republican, Nov. 25, 1870, quoted in Merriam, 

n, 135. 

45 



46 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

formers, since these issues appealed to different sections. 5 
But as the hopelessness of securing definite reforms from an 
administration influenced largely by the congressional 
clique became constantly more apparent, the sentiment 
grew for the creation of a new reform organization before 
the next presidential election. Godkin had reflected this 
feeling the year before in his reply to an enthusiastic young 
newspaperman in Chicago who sought his advice on the 
political situation: " I think we may fairly look forward to 
building up on the ruins of the Republican party a better 
party than we have yet had, and I trust that in a year 
hence we shall see our way to it more clearly than we do 
now, having for its object Tariff Reform, Civil Service Re- 
form and Minority Representation, and basing its action 
on the facts of human nature and the experience of the 
human race. We shall always have plenty of old hacks 
and windbags to deal with, but the day will come when they 
will simply amuse us." 6 In the South there was a desire 
for the extension of the conservative coalition movement to 
form a new national party. 7 

Senator Schurz was the most active and efficient promoter 
of this movement for a new national party. 8 While de- 
fending the Missouri bolt of December 1870 in senatorial 
debate with Drake, his radical antagonist, Schurz remarked 
that every hint at the formation of a new party was treated 
as a sort of high treason. For his part, he did not see any- 
thing especially criminal in such a move and frankly ad- 
mitted that "things have a tendency in that direction. " 
He understood that parties and issues did not spring up 

6 Nation, Mar. 10, 1870, p. 151. 

6 Godkin to Cook, Oct. 6, 1870, Ogden, Godkin, II, 69. 

7 A. G. Magrath of S. C. to Chase, July 4, 1870, Chase MSS.; Fowler 
to Johnson, May 15, 1871, Johnson MSS. Hinton R. Helper in May 
declared that a new party must be formed. Mass. Weekly Spy, May 26, 
1871. 

8 Cf. Adams, Adams, 390. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 47 

suddenly, but there was now a growing impression that the 
old parties had out-lived their usefulness. At the moment 
the necessary inspiration was lacking, but there was already 
the " preliminary fermentation" working in both parties. 
The Republican party was doomed, he warned, unless it 
realized at once the need of a progressive, reform policy. 
The party, he was sure, contained a regenerating element 
if it could but obtain control. 9 " I have made up my mind," 
he wrote to Cox a little later, "to go on, without regard to 
my own political fortunes, preaching the doctrine that a 
party like ours cannot be successful without being honest. 
And I am confident we shall have a good many converts to 
that faith before the next Presidential election. " 10 There 
were soon evidences of such conversions. In March, 1871, 
the reformers around Cincinnati — with whom Schurz had 
consulted late in the previous year regarding the formation 
of a new political organization of independent Republicans 
and Democrats 11 — formed the " Central Republican Associa- 
tion of Hamilton County." The initial call professed full 
recognition of the achievements of the Republican party, 
but declared that, to continue, it must meet present issues. 
The signers, therefore, declared for general amnesty, a 
revenue tariff, reform in the civil service, and gradual but 
certain resumption. General Cox, George Hoadly, and 
Stanley Matthews were among the signers. 12 At a subse- 
quent mass meeting the aims of the association were fully 
set forth by leading members. The speakers asserted that 
the organization was composed wholly of Republicans and 

9 Schurz' s Writings, II, 59-66. In the same speech Schurz expressed 
the opinion that reform was much more likely from the Republican than 
from the Democratic party. Ibid., 66-69. 

10 Schurz to Cox, Feb. 3, 1871, ibid., II, 176. 

11 See Judge Hoadly's speech at Avondale, Ohio, Aug. 23, 1872, in 
Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Aug. 27, 1872. 

n Cincinnati Commercial, Mar. 22, 1871. 



48 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

strongly denied any desire to break up that party. 13 Schurz 
was delighted with the organized activity of the Ohio re- 
formers, expressing the hope that the association would be 
extended to all parts of the state and that the promoters 
might be able to "take care of Indiana too." He thought 
that similar organizations ought to be formed all over the 
country. 14 

Early in 1871 when the movement against Grant's re- 
nomination seemed most promising Schurz had hopes of a 
reformation within the Republican party, 15 but by Sep- 
tember, convinced of the futility of all efforts against the 
machine, he had begun to work definitely for a new party, 
recruited, as he hoped, from the best elements of both the 
old parties. 16 In his Nashville speech, September 20, he 
clearly forecasted the future policy of the reform group. 
The pressing needs of the time, he pointed out, were general 
amnesty, a return to local self-government in the South, 
reform in the civil service, re-adjustment of the tariff, a 
speedy return to specie payment, and the better control of 
corporations. 17 " These views of the condition of public 
affairs, and the problems to be solved," he assured his 
southern audience, "are shared by millions of people at the 
North, especially the political school to which I belong, 
called the ' Liberal Republican/ " 18 He still had hopes, 
he professed, of the ascendancy of the liberal, progressive 
influences in the Republican party, in spite of the corruption 

13 Cincinnati Commercial, Apr. 6, 1871; Cincinnati Semi-Weekly 
Gazette, Apr. 7, 1871. At this meeting letters were read from George 
William Curtis and Horace White. Curtis expressed himself in sym- 
pathy with the platform, but he considered the preservation of the 
Republican party "indispensable." White wrote that all the objects 
of the association had his "warmest approbation." 

14 Schurz to Cox, Apr. 4, 1871, Schurz' s Writings, II, 254 f. 

15 Schurz to Cox, Feb. 3, 1871, ibid., 177; Schurz to Godkin, Mar. 31, 
1871, ibid., 253. 

16 Schurz to Sumner, Sept. 30, 1871, ibid., 31 1-3 13. 

17 Ibid., 258-260. 

18 Ibid., 260. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 49 

and false partisanship that had so weakened its reforming 
energy. "But, if such hope should be disappointed, if the 
policy should prevail of securing party success by keeping 
fresh the old issues and by pushing the differences of the 
past into the foreground, if it should fail to appreciate its 
conciliatory mission, if it should place itself under the do- 
minion of selfish and tyrannical interests — in one word, if 
it should not succeed in making the third party superfluous, 
then it seems to me the time would have come for a new 
organization to step forward, the truly National party of the 
future, of a composition and with a policy such as I have de- 
scribed." 19 He was sure that the formation of such a party 
would not be difficult "as soon as the attitude of the old par- 
ties will have demonstrated its necessity. I apprehend it ap- 
pears already desirable to a very large number of thinking 
men all over this country. It may be there all of a sudden, 
and, unless I am greatly mistaken, the tendency is breaking 
through the skin of the body politic in all directions." 20 
As for himself, the party through which the desired ends 
were secured was "utterly indifferent, provided they are 
accomplished." If he thought the Democratic party would 
secure them he would join it regardless of the cry of ' rene- 
gade' and he should be glad to have the Republican party 
meet the need, as it would be utilizing an existing strong 
organization. " But if a new party does it better, my views 
of public interest and duty will not permit me to be long 
in choosing." 21 Schurz at this time also secured the forma- 

19 Schurz to Sumner, Sept. 30, 1871, 299-300. 

20 Ibid., 300. 

21 Ibid., 301. This speech is entitled in Schurz 1 s Writings "The Need 
of Reform and a New Party." The day after this speech a letter was 
addressed to Schurz signed by about two hundred "formerly Confed- 
erate soldiers" expressing admiration for Schurz's political course and 
full sympathy for the sentiments expressed in his speech. They wished, 
they wrote, to abandon all sectional and reactionary parties and to ally 
themselves with any progressive national party. For the letter and 
Schurz's feeling response, see ibid., 306-308. 

5 



50 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

tion of reform associations beginning at Nashville and ex- 
tending all over the South West and the lower South. 
He thought that through such associations or clubs, both 
North and South, the best men from both parties might 
be united under a central organization. 22 The character 
of the work in which Schurz was now engaged was pretty 
generally understood. On his visit to New York City in 
November the Herald referred to him as "the great political 
missionary, laboring for the defeat of General Grant next 
year." 23 The alarm of the party organs was evinced by 
the abuse which they heaped upon Schurz as the leading 
spirit in the projected revolt. 24 

In various quarters by the end of the year there were evi- 
dences of a growing sympathy for a new party movement. 
In addition to the original independent journals, Frank 
Leslie put forward his paper as the " pioneer" in a national 
reform movement, 25 and the Atlantic Monthly, in its political 
section, expressed unmistakable opposition to Grant and 
sympathy with the reformers. 26 Governor Walker of Vir- 
ginia in his message in December came out strongly in de- 
nunciation of the administration's southern policy, and pre- 
sented an extended program of reform. The New York 
Herald thought that the Governor, foreseeing a union of 
the opposition, had taken the initiative in furnishing issues 
for a struggle in the ensuing session of Congress, and char- 
acterized his message as the "key note of the campaign." 27 
At the St. Louis Cotton Fair in October Cassius M. Clay, in 
the speech already mentioned in connection with his support 

22 Schurz to Cox, Sept. 27, Oct. 14, 1871, ibid., 310, 314. 

23 N. Y. Herald, Nov. 19, 187 1. The Mass. Weekly Spy discussed 
editorially (Nov. 3, 1871) Schurz's efforts to form a new party of dis- 
contented Republicans and Democrats. 

24 N. Y. Times, Dec. 28, 1871; Bancroft-Dunning, Schurz's Pol. 
Career, 347; Nation, Jan. 4, 1872, p. 1. 

25 Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, Dec. 30, 1871. 

26 Atlantic Monthly, Jan. 1872, p. 126. 

27 N. Y. Herald, Dec. 7, 1871. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 5 1 

of Greeley, advocated the formation of a new party. On 
the platform with him were such representative politicians 
as James S. Rollins, F. P. Blair, jr., B. Gratz Brown, and 
General Beauregard, and his suggestion was received with 
much enthusiasm. 28 In the fall election in Ohio the Cin- 
cinnati independents supported the Republican state 
ticket, 29 but in the election of members of the legislature 
there was a marked tendency in different parts of the state 
to vote for independent candidates, largely with the view 
of securing a more satisfactory United States senator. 30 
In the subsequent session of the legislature a project for a 
coalition of independent Republicans and Democrats to 
defeat Senator Sherman's reelection was frustrated only by 
the failure to secure a suitable candidate. 31 The defeat 
of the devoted administrationist senator, Harlan, in Iowa 
at about the same time was a cause of rejoicing to the 
" Liberal Republicans of Iowa." 32 

By the beginning of the presidential year, with all these 
various manifestations of opposition, conditions seemed 
favorable for the launching of a national Liberal movement. 
This was effected through the only existing official Liberal 
organization, that in Missouri. The Liberal state con- 
vention at Jefferson City, January 24, advised by Schurz 33 
and attended by a number of new party promoters 
from outside the state, 34 adopted resolutions calling for 
universal amnesty, a more equitable adjustment of the 

28 Clay, Memoirs, I, 503; Rollins to Clay, Sept. 11, 1871, ibid., 588 f. 

29 Schurz to Cox, Sept. 27, 1871, Schurz } s Writings, II, 310; Cin- 
cinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Sept. 29, 1871. 

30 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Sept. 15, 19, Oct. 6, 17, 1871. 

31 John Sherman to W. T. Sherman, Jan. 26, 1872, Sherman Letters, 
335 J Williams, Hayes, I, 362 f. 

32 J. M. McDill to Trumbull, Jan. 19, 1872, Trumbull MSS. 

33 Letter to Follenius, Jan. 20, 1872, Schurz 's Writings, II, 315 ff. 

34 Scovel to Trumbull, Jan. 29, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; Annual Cy- 
clopedia, 1872, p. 552; Mo. Republican, Jan. 25, 1872. 



52 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

tariff, reform of the civil service, and the checking of 
federal encroachments on the rights of the states. All 
Republicans desirous of aiding in securing these reforms were 
invited to meet in national mass convention at Cincinnati 
on May i. 35 

The independent Republicans in Congress, in the session 
of 1 871-1872, contributed much toward launching the new 
party, both by exposing the most striking abuses in the ad- 
ministration and by defending the Cincinnati convention 
project. During this session the cleavage between the ad- 
ministration supporters and the Liberals became complete. 
It had been foreseen that the long-accumulating differences 
would be fought over at this time. "If we are to have a 
new party/' wrote the Washington correspondent of the 
Nation in December, "it will grow out of the debates in 
Congress this winter." 36 Independent senators like Schurz, 
Sumner, Fenton, and Trumbull were apparently in fre- 
quent consultation among themselves, and in close touch 
with the promoters of the Liberal movement outside. 37 
At the beginning of the session probably none of the inde- 
pendents in Congress, except Schurz, were definitely con- 
nected with a new party policy. Trumbull wrote only two 
weeks before the Jefferson City convention that he had not 
committed himself to an independent movement and that 
he did not mean to be drawn outside the Republican party, 
though there were some who would be glad to drive him 

35 Pamphlet of proceedings of the Convention; Annual Cyclopedia, 
1872, p. 552. Letters were read from Senators Schurz and Fowler. 
Mo. Republican, Jan. 25, 1872. The printed proceedings of the conven- 
tion contain endorsements from Cox, Matthews, Hoadly, and Stallo. 

36 Nation, Dec. 28, 1871, p. 415. 

37 Julian, Pol. Recollections, 333; Scovel to Sumner, Jan. 3, 10, 1872, 
Sumner MSS.; Fenton to Sumner, Mar. 6, 1872, ibid.; Trumbull to 
Flagg, Jan. 10, 1872, Miss. Valley Hist. Rev., I, 106. Schurz consulted 
with Trumbull about his letter to the Jefferson City convention. See 
Schurz to Trumbull, Jan. 21, 1872, Trumbull MSS. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 53 

out. 38 But shortly after the appearance of the Missouri 
call, he expressed himself privately as favorable to the 
proposed convention, though he still hoped that it might 
enable the independents to control the regular Republican 
convention. 39 The rest of the avowed independents in 
both houses were known to favor the convention, 40 although 
in some cases they did not join the Liberals until after the 
campaign was under way. 

There was still a hope among some of the independents 
that the more progressive of the organization men in Con- 
gress might be induced to oppose Grant's renomination, at 
least in order to prevent the disruption of the party. Bowles 
thought that an address from two or three dozen members 
of recognized standing, who had thus far been silent, de- 
manding that the party have a change of candidate to pre- 
vent a division would forestall Grant's renomination and 
lead to the party's reformation from within. He asked 
Sumner if it would not be possible to secure such an address 
by April 15, signed by influential leaders like Dawes, Gar- 
field, Buckingham, Wilson, the Morrills, and Logan. 41 But 
in the heated debates of the session, precipitated by the 
vigorous attacks on the administration, it soon developed 

38 Trumbull to Flagg, Jan. 10, 1872, Miss. Valley Hist. Rev., I, 106. 
See also Trumbull's interview in December on the political situation, 
White, Trumbull, 369-370. 

39 Trumbull to White, Jan. 27, 1872, Trumbull MSS. 

40 Idem. 

41 Bowles to Sumner, Mar. 18, 1872, Sumner MSS. See also on the 
position of Wilson and Garfield, editorials in Springfield Weekly Repub- 
lican, Feb. 2, Mar. 29, 1872. The Washington correspondent of the 
Louisville Courier- Journal wrote in April that the Liberal leaders were 
considering Logan for president. Quoted in New Orleans Republican, 
Apr. 7, 1872. Dawes came out definitely against the Liberals in a letter 
in March. Nation, Mar. 21, 1872, p. 177. 



54 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

that the bulk of the Republicans in Congress would stick 
to their President. 42 

Throughout the session there was a sharp conflict be- 
tween the Liberals and the administrationists in the Senate. 
Sumner's resolution limiting the presidency to a single term, 
while expressly excepting the next election, was interpreted 
by Grant's supporters as a thrust at his aspirations 
and was opposed accordingly. 43 In the New York custom- 
house investigation, which unearthed a great mass of abuses 
in the "general order business," the lead was taken by the 
Liberal senators. 44 The inquiry into the sale of arms to 
France, pushed to the limit by Schurz and Sumner, 45 seems 
to have had a considerable influence in increasing the dis- 
affection of western Germans. 46 The platform, candidates, 
and future course of the Liberals were freely discussed in 
these acrimonious encounters. In a speech on February 
23, Trumbull, while disavowing any knowledge of a Liberal 
Republican party "as a distinct organization from the Re- 
publican party/ ' warmly defended the principles and policy 
of that faction. 47 Morton, in reply, charged that the move- 
ment was directly in aid of the Democrats, and that Trum- 
bull was seeking the Cincinnati nomination. 48 By these 
debates in Congress and by the work of the Liberal pro- 

42 Eight senators and five representatives were apparently all the 
members of this (the 42nd) Congress ever identified with the Liberals. 
Tribune Almanac, 1873, pp. 28, 39-40; Evening Journal Almanac, 1873, 

PP. 31-35. 

43 Pierce, Sumner, IV, 498; N. Y. World, Dec. 22, 1871. 

44 White, 362-369. 

45 Pierce, IV, 504-513; Bancroft and Dunning, 333-337. 

46 Koerner to Trumbull, Feb. 19, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; Greene, 
"Some Aspects of Politics in the Middle West," 73; Foulke, II, 234; 
Nation, Apr. 4, 1872, p. 209. 

47 Cong. Globe, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., Appendix, 84 ff. 

48 Cong. Globe, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., 1179. Trumbull's speech was in- 
terpreted in this way by the Republican press. See Boston Advertiser 
Feb. 26, 1872. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 55 

moters in different parts of the country sentiment was cre- 
ated for the proposed Cincinnati Convention. 

The response to the Missouri call during the next three 
months, though rather hesitating for a time, showed a con- 
siderable enthusiasm for a new party among the leading in- 
dependents and the disappointed politicians but no system- 
atic organization for attaining that end. The chief leaders 
and organs of the independents were in full sympathy with 
the platform and endorsed, at least qualifiedly, the proj- 
ect for a mass convention. Bowles had clung to the vain 
hope of a new Republican candidate. But his observations 
at Washington in March showed him the invincibleness of 
the administration machine ; 49 and thereafter his influential 
journal strongly supported the Liberal cause. The Nation 
seemed hopeful of the new movement from the start and 
commented on its developments prior to the convention 
with unusual enthusiasm. 50 The Evening Post, while fully 
committed to the avowed aims of the convention, was fearful 
of the machinations of the politicians connected with the 
reform movement, and assumed at first more the position 
of an impartial critic than an ardent supporter. 51 The New 
York Tribune, after it had become pledged to the cause, 
complained that the Post gave the movement "any quantity 
of advice, but no real sympathy/' 52 But as the Liberal 
agitation developed even the cautious Post became cheerful 
over the outlook for reform at Cincinnati. 53 In the Middle 
West the Chicago Tribune and the Cincinnati Commercial 
were effective boomers for the Liberal convention. 54 

49 Merriam, II, 178; Bowles to Sumner, Mar. 18, 1872, Sumner MSS.; 
Springfield Weekly Republican, Feb. 2, 1872. 

50 See editorials in Nation, Feb. 1, 8, 29; Mar. 21, 1872. 

51 See, for instance, editorial in N. Y. Evening Post (semi- weekly 
ed. cited throughout), Mar. 12, 1872. 

52 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 15, 1872. 

63 Evening Post, editorial, Apr. 2, 1872. 
54 White, 372. 



56 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

The attitude of Greeley and the Tribune was watched 
with especial interest. As successive congressional in- 
vestigations had exposed abuses in the national govern- 
ment, Greeley's strictures on the administration had become 
more and more severe, 55 and in January he had refused as the 
New York national committeeman to sign the call for the 
Philadelphia Convention because he desired " to keep a posi- 
tion of independence." 56 Nevertheless he hesitated for some 
time to give full support to the Liberal cause, as he wanted to 
be sure that the bolters would develop a formidable strength 
before venturing his political fortunes with them, 57 and, be- 
sides, the prominent place given to tariff reform in the Liberal 
program was naturally obnoxious to a life-long champion 
of protection. Shortly after the Jefferson City Convention, 
he remarked that the 'bolters' were " almost certain to 
make hostility to Protection one of the planks of their plat- 
form, and that the Tribune can never abide no matter who 
may be rival candidates for President." 58 And even when 
warming more and more to the Liberal cause he wrote: 
"Of course we shall ask to be counted out if the majority 
shall decide to make Free Trade a plank in their platform. 
The protection of Home Industry is of more importance, in 
our view, than the success of any party or ticket. If it 
should be decided to make Free Trade a corner-stone of the 
Cincinnati movement, we ask only that we be not insulted 
by the assumption that any possible selection of candidates 

55 See, for instance, N. Y, Tribune, Dec. 19, 29, 1871; Jan. 5, 6, 18; 
Feb. 21, 1872. 

66 Greeley to Chandler, Jan. 15, 1872, ibid., Mar. 7, 1872. 

67 J. M. Scovel wrote to Sumner, Jan. 3, 1872, that Greeley was wait- 
ing to see "what others do." He had said that he might "have to go 
for Grant, though he did not wish to." Sumner MSS. Reid informed 
Sumner, Jan. 25, that Greeley thought it best to let "present dissension 
fester a little longer." Ibid. J. S. Morrill wrote to Greeley, Mar. n, 
urging him most earnestly not to desert his old party. Forum, XXIV, 
411 f. 

58 N. Y. Tribune, Jan. 29, 1872. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 57 

would reconcile us to that decision. " 59 But as the prospects 
of a successful revolt improved, Greeley's grievances against 
the administration 59 * outweighed his doubts. By March 
the Tribune was liberalizing rapidly 60 and Greeley was busily 
securing recruits for the convention. 61 

The responses to the call for the mass convention 62 
were most encouraging in the Middle West. Missouri 
Liberals, determined to represent fittingly the reputed home 
of the new movement, made preparations to invade Cin- 
cinnati in great force and in an imposing manner. 63 Lead- 
ing Ohio Liberals promptly issued a card urging all who 
favored the proposed reforms to attend the convention. 64 
Dissatisfied Kansas Republicans met in February, two days 
after their regular state convention, issued an address, 
organized a " Liberal party' ' and called a convention at 
Topeka, April 10, to select delegates for the Cincinnati 
convention. 65 This Topeka gathering attracted consid- 

59 N. Y. Tribune, Mar. 16, 1872. 

59a See Greeley's bitter denunciation of Grant and declaration of 
relentless hostility in his letter to J. S. Morrill, Mar. 12, 1872, Forum 
XXIV, 412. "You see that I am drifting into a fight with Grant. I 
hate it; I know how many friends I shall alienate by it, and how it will 
injure the Tribune, of which so little is my own property that I hate 
to wreck it: Yet ... I should despise myself if I pretended to 
acquiesce in his reelection. I may yet have to support him but I would 
much rather quit editing Newspapers forever." Greeley to a Lady 
Friend, Mar. 13, 1872, Benton, Greeley on Lincoln, etc., 211. 

60 See editorials, Mar. 14, 16, 20, 21, 1872. 

61 Bowles to Sumner, Mar. 18, 1872, Sumner MSS. 

62 There was no uniform method of choosing delegates to the Cincin- 
nati Convention, selections being made in the following different ways: 
by state conventions, by conferences of leading Liberals in a state, by 
those signing the response to the Missouri call, and voluntary delega- 
tions without special appointment. All of these methods of procedure 
were held to be authorized by the Missouri call. See editorial in Mo. 
Republican, Apr. 22, 1872. 

63 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 25, 1872. 

64 Chicago Tribune, Feb. 6, 1872. 

65 Ross to Trumbull, Feb. 28, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; Wilder, Annals 
of Kan., 574. 



58 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

erable notice. Gratz Brown was on hand with a stirring 
speech, a platform was adopted, and no delegates for Cin- 
cinnati were selected. 66 Western Liberals in other states, 
though slower in their action, ultimately came into line. 
The German Liberals at Milwaukee held a meeting, on 
March 19, at which they endorsed the Missouri platform and 
invited all similarly minded Republicans to attend their 
national convention. 67 Early in April, the Liberal promoters 
in Illinois met at Springfield and drew up a call for dele- 
gates which was subsequently signed by many former 
Republican leaders. 68 Some twenty-five Indiana Liberals 
urged the formation of county organizations and the se- 
lection of delegates in every part of the state. 69 Michigan 
Liberal managers held an informal meeting at Detroit, 
April 18, and prepared their statement, issued two days 
later, recommending that each town, city and county send 
to Cincinnati mass delegations who should there select the 
regular delegates to represent them in the convention. 70 
A mass convention at Davenport, Iowa, April 23, adopted 
appropriate resolutions and selected 150 delegates. 71 
Late in April, a mass meeting in Nebraska City, Nebraska, 
selected the Liberal delegates for that state. 72 Minnesota 
Liberals held no formal convention but were represented by 
a voluntary delegation. 73 From California only one or two 

66 Kan. Commonwealth , Apr. 11, 1872; Wilder, 576. 

67 Milwaukee News, Mar. 21, 1872; N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 6, 1872. 

68 Fell to Trumbull, Apr. 8, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; White to Trumbull, 
Apr. 9, 1872, ibid.; Koerner, Memoirs, II, 536 f; Chicago Tribune, Apr. 
18, 1872. 

69 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 23, 1872. 

70 Dilla, Politics of Mich., 135. 

71 Gue., Hist, of Iowa, III, 49. This meeting was also addressed by 
Gratz Brown. N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 24, 1872. 

72 Watkins, Hist, of Neb., Ill, 124. 

73 Holmes, Minn., Ill, 51; Wilkinson to Trumbull, Feb. 20, 1872, 
Trumbull MSS. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 59 

stragglers of little weight attended the Liberal gathering. 74 
Toward the latter part of April, Liberal meetings to form 
local organizations and to select national delegates were 
reported all over the Middle West. 75 

In the East New York took the lead. On March 30 
twenty Republicans, including Greeley, issued a letter fully 
endorsing the Liberal movement. 76 The Massachusetts 
pronouncement, delayed to secure signers of the requisite 
weight, 77 appeared on April 17 with a highly respectable 
and even eminent list of endorsers. 78 Connecticut's call 
followed on April 24, 79 and at about the same time a con- 
vention was reported at Rutland, Vermont 80 and the re- 
cruiting of voluntary delegations in New Hampshire 81 
and Maine. 82 The Liberal managers in Pennsylvania, 
after considerable consultation, 83 sent out their call on 
April i8. 84 An enthusiastic Liberal mass meeting at Cam- 
den, New Jersey, April 22, chose twenty delegates to repre- 
sent their state. 85 

But the crowning event of the Liberal agitation in the 
East, before the convention, was the Cooper Institute mass 
meeting on April 12. Schurz and Trumbull were the prin- 

74 N. Y. Tribune, May 3, 1872; San Francisco Evening Bulletin, May 
7, 11, 1872. 

75 Chicago Tribune, Apr. 23-May 1, 1872. 

76 iV. Y. Tribune, Mar. 30, 1872. About a dozen county meetings in 
New York state to choose Liberal delegates were noted. Ibid., April 
11-27. See comments of exchanges on the N. Y. letter in ibid., Apr. 
1, 2. 

77 Atkinson to Sumner, Apr. 3, 1872, Sumner MSS.; Springfield 
Weekly Republican, Apr. 12, 1872. 

78 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 19, 1872. 

79 Ibid., Apr. 25. 

80 Ibid., Apr. 26, 30. 

81 Ibid., Apr. 25. 

82 Ibid., Apr. 29. 

83 McClure to Sumner, Apr. 8, 1872, Sumner MSS. 

84 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 19, 1872. 

85 Ibid., Apr. 23. 



60 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

cipal speakers. 86 Senator Fenton, whose attitude up to 
this time had been in some doubt, 87 sent a letter announcing 
his full adherence to Liberalism. Greeley, called upon for 
an impromptu speech, bitterly assailed the administration 
leaders 1 in the state and declared that he would have nothing 
to do with their convention for choosing delegates to Phil- 
adelphia. "I put it aside now," he concluded amid great 
applause, "and go forward with the non-office holding Re- 
publicans to the Cincinnati convention and its conse- 
quences." 88 The Tribune, in its editorial comment, was 
confident that this enthusiastic gathering meant nothing 
less than that the coming convention was to be a "success 
alike in numbers, representative character and general 
purpose. Let it be equally wise and it will name the next 
President of the United States. " 89 The Nation found it 
"as enthusiastic a meeting as was ever got together in this 
city," and praised Trumbull's "strong, clear, but una- 
dorned statement of the charges brought by the promoters 
of the new movement against the administration," and 
Schurz's "powerful and telling rhetoric." 90 And, though 
the censorious Evening Post complained that the meeting 
neglected the fundamental questions of the protective 
system and federal encroachment and sent forth "petty 
resolutions ... as the voice of New York," 91 the 
gathering was, on the whole, an imposing and auspicious 
launching of the new movement in the East. 

From the South much interest in the proposed convention 
was reported. The Tennessee Liberals issued a call for 

86 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 13, 1872, N. Y. Times, same date. 

87 N. Y. Times, Apr. 9, 1872. 

88 N. 7. Tribune, Apr. 13, 1872. 

89 Idem. 

90 Nation, Apr. 18, 1872, p. 249. 

91 N. Y. Evening Post, Apr. 16, 1872. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 6l 

delegates early in March. 92 In April the Louisiana bolters 
published a lengthy "manifesto" with over five hundred 
signatures, 93 and the committee invited the delegates from 
Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas to unite with the Louisi- 
ana delegation in chartering a special train to the conven- 
tion. 94 During the same month conventions and mass 
meetings for the selection of delegates were reported in 
Texas, 95 North Carolina, 96 Maryland, 97 Mississippi, 98 South 
Carolina, 99 Florida, 100 and Kentucky. 101 West Virginia, 102 
Virginia, 103 Alabama, 104 and Georgia 105 evidently had vol- 
untary delegations of considerable size; and the Arkansas 
delegates were chosen by the Liberal central committee. 106 
JjThe pre-convention agitation revealed in the Liberal 
personnel a combination of the dissatisfied of all shades of 
ability and integrity. The most striking feature was the 
large number of free-soilers and founders of the Republican 
party among the bolters, whereas many foremost supporters 
of the administration were newer recruits^, A political 

92 Chicago Tribune j Mar. n, 1872. 

93 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 19, 1872. 

94 Idem. 

95 Ibid., Apr. 10. 

96 Ibid., Apr. 10, 30. 

97 Ibid., Apr. 22, 25. 

98 Ibid., Apr. 23. 

99 Ibid., Apr. 26, 29. 

100 Ibid., Apr. 27. 

101 Ibid., Apr. 30. 

102 Ibid., Apr. 19. 

103 Ibid., Apr. 27, 30. 

104 Ibid., Apr. 30. 

105 Ibid., May 3. 

106 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 25. Delaware had no delegates in the 
convention but George Alfred Townsend, who had gone to the conven- 
tion as a territorial delegate from the District of Columbia, acted for 
the State and cast her six votes. See his letter to the Philadelphia Press 
quoted in N. Y. Tribune, May 10, 1872. 



62 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

writer in a Chicago magazine strikingly called attention to 
this situation : 

"The men whose courage, eloquence, and statesmanship furnished the 
party with the means of its earliest victory are, with few exceptions, ob- 
noxious to the President, and are regularly belashed through the columns 
of his organs; while the party is led by men who first perceived the good- 
ness of the cause when it achieved success, or men always distrusted by 
the people supported by a few timid souls deterred by dread of change 
in political associations from plain political speaking." 107 

The surviving members of Lincoln's cabinet 108 were on the 
side of the insurgents as were three of the four surviving Re- 
publican senators who had voted for Johnson's acquittal. 109 
Sumner, while not openly committed to the Liberal cause, 
was generally reported to be a warm sympathizer. 110 Thus 
both prominent moderates and radicals among the original 
Republicans were joined in the new movement, along with 
a variegated band of political adventurers. A brief con- 
sideration of the chief supporters of the movement in the 
different sections of the country makes this clear. 

Throughout the Middle West there was a marked de- 
fection of veteran Republicans. In Ohio such men as Cox, 
Stallo, Hoadly and the Brinkerhoffs 111 were arrayed against 
the administration. In Indiana George W. Julian 112 and 

107 Wheeler, "President Making" in the Lakeside Monthly, Mar. 1872. 
Cf. Greene, 73-76. Julian says, with evident rhetorical exaggeration, 
that "troops of the old Free-Soilers of 1848 and 1852" were in attend" 
ance at the Cincinnati Convention. Pol. Recollections, 337. 

108 Chase, Welles and Blair. Seward apparently made no public 
declaration before his death in October. See Seward to Conkling, 
Aug. 12, Conkling, Conkling, 445. The N. Y. Tribune (Sept. 3, 1872) 
called especial attention to this support. 

109 Trumbull, Ross and Fowler. Henderson was at first reported for 
the Liberals (see Wis. Weekly State Journal, May 7, 1872) but later in 
the year was the Republican candidate for governor of Missouri. 

110 Nation, Mar. 21, 1872, p. 177. 

111 Judge Brinkerhoffs letter to Stallo in February, strongly endorsing 
the new movement, is printed in Chicago Tribune, Feb. 12, 1872. 

112 See his letter in N. F. Tribune, Apr. 25, 1872. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 63 

John D. Defrees 113 were likewise opposed to the old party. 
The defection in Illinois was still more pronounced. Of the 
leading ante-bellum Republicans, Trumbull, Browning, 
Davis, Palmer, Koerner, Swett, Herndon, four of the state 
officials under Yates and all but one of the existing officials 
were numbered with the opposition. 114 Austin Blair, the 
war governor, and other prominent Republicans of that 
period led the bolters in Michigan. 115 Minnesota adherents 
included such staunch free-soilers as Morton S. Wilkinson, 116 
Charles Sherwood, 117 and, a little later, the erratic Ignatius 
Donnelly. 118 Josiah B. Grinnell assured Sumner early 
in April that the ' old guard ' of Iowa were in the new move- 
ment, and that the best men of the party would be found at 
Cincinnati. 119 Senator Tipton of Nebraska, a radical "of 
approved and superabundant loyal ty" 120 when he entered 
the Senate in 1867, was foremost among the prominent 
Republicans of his state now in revolt. 121 In California, 
where the Liberal defection never reached threatening pro- 
portions, an administration paper commented thus on the 
designation of Frank M. Pixley as Liberal national commit- 
teeman: "Mr. Pixley was one of the most zealous and 

113 For Defrees' career, see ibid.,, Apr. 30; N. Y. Evening Post editorial, 
Apr. 26, 1872. He was at this time a resident of the District of Columbia 
and attended the Liberal Convention as a delegate from that territory. 

114 Greene, 73 f.; Moses, Illinois, II, 811; Lusk, Eighty Years of Illi- 
nois, 228. 

115 Dilla, 140. 

116 Holmes, III, 86. 

117 Ibid., 105. 

118 Donnelly's support had been sought by leaders of both parties in 
his state and he was apparently considering the Republican congres- 
sional nomination at one time. See letters during June and July 1872 
in Donnelly MSS. See his letter in July, Chicago Tribune, July 18, 1872. 

119 Grinnell to Sumner, Apr. 9, 1872, Sumner MSS. Cf. on Liberal 
personnel in Iowa the list given in Clinton Age, Sept. 13, 1872, quoted in 
Haynes, Third Party Movements, 27. 

120 DeWitt, Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson, 174. 
121 _Watkins, III, 124. 



64 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

efficient men in organizing the Republican party of Cali- 
fornia. He will now have a chance to show what he can 
do toward breaking it up/' 122 But the Kansas Liberals 
with such promoters as Preston B. Plumb, 123 Edmund G. 
Ross, 124 Marcus J. Parrott, 125 Pardee Butler, 126 Samuel J. 
Crawford, 127 Samuel N. Wood, 128 and Charles Robinson 129 
could probably present the most imposing exhibit of dyed- 
in-the-wool free-soilers. 

In the East the movement showed equally notable 
converts. In New England no names had been more re- 
spected in Republican circles than those of F. W. Bird, 
Edward Atkinson, W. S. Robinson, Elizur Wright, F. B. 
Sanborn, and General Banks in Massachusetts, 130 Lafa- 
yette S. Foster, David Clark, Samuel C. Fessenden, and 
David A. Wells in Connecticut, 131 and Henry O. Kent in 
New Hampshire. 132 New York Liberals could place along 
with the names of Greeley and Fenton those of Henry R. 
Selden, Henry A. Foster, William Dorsheimer, F. A. 
Conkling, Hiram Barney, D. C. Littlejohn, Thomas G. 
Alvord, and many others who " cradled " the party in the 
state. 133 In Pennsylvania the discontented found such 

122 San Francisco Evening Bulletin, May n, 1872. See also on Pixley 
and his connection with Liberals, T. Gray to Trumbull, Apr. 7, 1872, 
Trumbull MSS. 

123 Connelly, Plumb, 224, 

124 Blackmar, Cyclopedia of Kan. Hist., II, 608 f. 

125 Ibid., 11,444. 

1:6 Ibid., I, 265; Wilder, 584. 

127 Blackmar, Cyclopedia of Kan., I, 475 f. 

128 Ibid., 11,933- 

129 Blackmar, Robinson, 300. 

130 See more complete list in the Mass. letter in N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 
19, 1872. Banks did not come out openly for the Liberals until August 
Nation, Aug. 8, 1872, p. 82. 

131 See list of Conn. Liberal leaders in N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 19, 25, 1872. 

132 Lyford, Rollins, 291. 

133 See list of signers of the N. Y. letter in N. Y. Tribune, Mar. 30, and 
the long list of prominent N. Y. Liberals in N. Y. World, Sept. 2, 1872. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 65 

leaders as A. K. McClure, John M. Hickman, David Bar- 
clay, 134 and, later in the campaign, A. G. Curtin and Galusha 
A. Grow. 135 

In the South prominent Republicans, many of them na- 
tives, were ranged on the Liberal side. A. W. Bradford of 
Maryland, who served as the "Union" governor during the 
years 1 862-1 865, 136 was the chief Liberal organizer in his 
state. 137 Ex-Senator Joseph S. Fowler, originally a Brown- 
low supporter, 138 directed the insurgent forces in Tennes- 
see. 139 Franklin Stearns, the Virginia member of the Repub- 
lican national committee, was a delegate to the Cincinnati 
convention, along with Governor Walker and other former 
Republicans who had put through the coalition movement 
in 1869. 140 Senator Alcorn of Mississippi, Joseph E. Brown 
of Georgia, H. H. Helper and D. R. Goodloe of North Caro- 
lina, ex-Governors Pease and Hamilton, Senator Hamilton 
and Judge Stribling of Texas, C. M. Clay of Kentucky and 
James S. Rollins of Missouri were other notable examples of 
unionists or scalawags converted to liberalism. 141 

But in addition to these respectable, and in many cases 
eminent, representatives, the new movement was hampered 
almost from the start by a set of supporters who could bring 
nothing but discredit upon any undertaking. The Liberal 
movement, inaugurated by the reformers, no sooner showed 
signs of success than the "practical" politicians schemed to 
exploit it for their own ends. As is always the case with 

134 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 19,. 1872; McClure, Old Time Notes, II, 333. 

135 Grow came out for the Liberals in August {Nation, Aug. 15, 1872. 
p. 97) and Curtin in September {ibid., Sept. 19, p. 177). 

136 Scharf., Hist, of Md. Ill, 457, 461 ; Biog. Cyclopedia of Md., 33. 

137 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 22, 25, 1872. 

138 DeWitt, 534. 

139 Fowler to Johnson, Feb. 9, 1872, Johnson MSS.; Chicago Tribune, 
Mar. 11, 1872. 

140 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 30, 1872. 

141 List of Southern Liberals in N. Y. World, Apr. 30, 1872; Fielder, 
Brown, 454; Smith, Rollins, 55. 

6 



66 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

such new party movements, disappointed office-seekers, 
members of broken rings and losing factions — political ad- 
venturers of all shades — hastened to join a chase which 
promised something in the way of the spoils of office. The 
large, if not determining, influence of differences over the 
distribution of patronage in bringing about the party revolt 
has already been explained. 142 In not a few cases the dis- 
affection of some of the most active promoters of the new 
party movement can be traced directly to their disappoint- 
ment in failing to secure office, or to their resentment at 
removal from office when their faction had gone out of favor. 
Thus, to cite a few of many possible examples of this sort, 
the Tamanmy Republicans removed from the custom-house 
and other offices during the Fenton proscriptions, or whose 
candidacy for office had been thwarted by their connection 
with the anti-administration faction, led by that ubiquitous 
political soldier of fortune, John Cochrane, 143 constituted a 
conspicuous element of the promoters of the movement in 
New York and in that state's delegation to Cincinnati. 144 
George Wilkes, early among the opposition and active at 
Cincinnati, had been most deeply offended by the admin- 
istration's refusal to reward his services for the ticket by a 
foreign mission. 145 James M. Scovel, the chief organizer of 
New Jersey Liberals, 146 had supported the Johnson faction 

142 See above, pp. 17 ff. 

143 Alexander, Pol. Hist, of N. Y. II, 272; III, 90, 92, 259. 

144 See the long list of Tammany Republicans, including many re- 
moved from federal offices by Grant, in N. Y. Times editorial Apr. 15, 
1872. The list of official delegates for New York in the convention con- 
tains the names of a number who had been removed from federal posi- 
tions during the Fenton proscriptions, and of others who were noto- 
riously disappointed office-seekers. Ibid., May 2; N. Y. Tribune, May 
2, 1872. 

146 Wilkes to Stanton, June 7, 1869, Sumner MSS.; Wilkes to Sumner, 
June 9, 12, 1869, May 15, 1870, ibid. 

146 Scovel to Sumner, Mar. 18, 1872, Sumner MSS.; N. Y. Tribune, 
Apr. 5, 1872 (item on N. J. Liberals). 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 67 

in 1865 for the sake of the state patronage, but was later 
11 reconverted' ' by the radicals. 147 Failing to get office under 
Grant, after urgent solicitation, 148 he had become, early in 
1870, a bitter critic of the administration 149 and took part 
with alacrity in the efforts to start a new party. 150 If the 
fight were won he trusted, as he confided to Sumner, that 
those would not be forgotten who had patiently borne the 
administration's scorn and persecution for the sake of 
" principle." 151 J. M. Ashley, an active Ohio Liberal, 152 
had been associated with the ultra-radicals in Congress; 
he had moved the impeachment of Johnson and had put 
forth every effort to work up a case against the President. 153 
A little later, he had been intimately involved in land- 
speculation scandals, but, largely through Sumner's in- 
fluence, had been appointed governor of Montana territory 
by Grant. 154 His removal from that position late in 1869 
had made him a bitter enemy of the administration. 155 
In the South carpet-baggers whose factions had lost in the 
scramble for federal offices furnished most dubious recruits 
for a reform movement. Governor Warmoth and his 
predatory crowd in Louisiana, 156 and the leading Liberals 

147 DeWitt, 79, 158. 

148 Scovel to Sumner, Feb. 5, 1870, Sumner MSS. 

149 Same to same, Feb. 7, 9, 1870; Mar. 11, 1871, ibid. 

150 Same to same, Nov. 28, 1871; Jan. 29, Feb. 12, 1872, ibid. 

151 Same to same, Mar. 21, 1872, ibid. 

152 Ashley was reported to have brought to the Cincinnati convention 
a resolution on civil rights for the negroes, drawn by Sumner, N. Y. 
Tribune, May 1, 1872 (item under "Convention Notes"). 

163 DeWitt, 147, 152-157, 234. 

154 Nation, Sept. 12, 19, 1872, pp. 162, 178. 

155 Ashley to Sumner, Dec. 19, 1869, Sumner MSS. Ashley wrote 
Chase (Aug. 29, 1871) that if the latter was nominated (evidently by 
the Democrats) he would get a large Republican support. Chase 
MSS. 

156 On the abuses of Warmoth's government see Sage, "Reconstruc- 
tion in Louisiana" in Why the Solid South?, 403-410; Hamilton, Recon- 
struction Period, 372 ff. 



68 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

in Arkansas 157 were typical of this class. IThere was ob- 
vious danger that supporters of this stripe might pervert 
the reformative purposes of the inchoate party. 

The attitude of the Democratic party was a matter of 
prime importance to the Liberal movement, which could not 
hope to succeed without some form of Democratic support. 158 
And such support the Liberals might reasonably expect, for 
the Democrats, owing to the discredited condition of their 
party, had been unable to profit materially by the dissen- 
sions and mistakes of their opponents. Their failure to 
show, either in platform or candidates, 159 any real change of 
heart in 1868, the unwise speeches 160 of ex-Confederates 
like Davis and Stephens, the still more unwise violence of 
persons identified with the party in the South, 161 and the 
Democratic opposition to the Fifteenth Amendment, 162 all 
lent color to the oft-repeated charge that the Democracy 
was still unreconstructed. 

Under these unfavorable circumstances, certain of the 
more astute Democratic leaders concluded, even before 1872, 
that the party's best move was to renounce its past atti- 
tude toward the war and its results and make a new start. 
In the Montgomery County convention at Dayton, Ohio, 
May 18, 1871, Clement L. Vallandigham, the recognized 

157 Harrell, Brooks and Baxter War, 33, 45, 109 f., 123-124. 

158 The N. Y. Evening Post said in an editorial Mar. 1, 1872: "In 
order to succeed the Liberal Republican candidates must have very 
nearly the full vote of the Democrats, and the chief labor of the opposi- 
tion canvass will now be to devise measures to unite them." 

159 Harper's Weekly, July 25, Aug. 8, 1868, and editorials in following 
issues during campaign. 

160 Editorial in N. Y. Herald, May 31, 1871; Hill, Hill, 353; Harper's 
Weekly, Apr. 22, June 17, 24, 1871. The Mo. Republican (Dem.) said 
(June 2, 1871) — "It would be difficult to imagine a more stupendous 
anachronism than the reappearance of Mr. Jefferson Davis upon the 
stump." 

161 For charges of connection of the Ku Klux with the Democratic 
party, see editorials in Harper's Weekly, Apr. 1,15, Nov. 4, 1871. 

162 Cincinnati Commercial, Feb. 16, 1871. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 69 

leader of the peace Democrats, secured the adoption of reso- 
lutions fully accepting the war amendments. 163 These 
resolutions were endorsed the next month, after a con- 
siderable contest, 164 in the state convention. The platform, 
generally termed the" New Departure/ ' was accepted by the 
later state conventions of the year 165 and by leading party 
organs. 166 The independent press, too, commended the 
Democrats for at last taking the step that had so long been 
urged upon them. 167 

But though ridding itself to some extent of the odium of 
disloyalty, the party was still greatly hampered. Its 
repentance was held to be insincere while the old leaders 
remained in control. 168 The Tweed exposures in New 
York, characterized by the administration press as typical 
of Democratic rule, 169 were a serious set-back; the party 
in this state, in particular, was saved from complete dis- 
credit only by the prompt and firm stand of such Democratic 
leaders as Tilden and O'Conor in opposing the ring. 170 
As the time for another national election approached it was 
thus natural that the Democrats, in view of their own im- 
potence and the growing dissatisfaction among their op- 
ponents, should regard some sort of combination with re- 
bellious Republicans as the most likely means of getting 
into power. The successful coalitions in the border states 

163 Vallandigham, Vallandigham, 436-445. 

164 Powell, Dem. Party of Ohio, I, 197. Durbin Ward had made a 
similar proposal the previous year, but his speech did not attract such 
wide attention. Ward, Ward, 194 ff. 

165 Annual Cyclopedia, 1871, pp. 90, 392, 416, 482, 493, 517, 547, 556, 
621, 775- 

166 N. Y. World, June 2, 3, 1871; Vallandigham, 447 f. The Mo. 
Republican had strongly urged such a course a month before. See 
editorial Apr. 27, 1871. 

167 See, for instance, Springfield Weekly Republican, May 26, June 9, 
June 30, 1 871; Nation, June 8, 1871, p. 396. 

168 See editorials in Harper's Weekly, June 3, 10, July 29, 1871. 

169 Ibid., Aug. 19, 26, Nov. 25; Mo. Democrat, Sept. 4, 20, 1871. 

170 Alexander, in, 265-275. 



70 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

in 1 869-1 870 had furnished precedents for such a policy 
on a wider scale, and sentiment in favor of some such al- 
liance was manifested in Democratic circles in 1871. The 
Connecticut state convention in January 171 and that of 
Pennsylvania in May 172 endorsed Schurz's position re- 
garding disfranchisement as sound Democratic doctrine, 
the resolutions of the former gathering referring to Schurz 
as "this eloquent leader of the reformers." After the gen- 
eral party defeat in the fall elections, leading Democratic 
papers advised, as the only means of defeating Grant, 173 
a union of the opposition, Democrats and Liberal Repub- 
licans, in which their party should maintain its identity 
and be given its proportionate influence. 

But not a few influential Democrats thought it expedient 
for the party to play a still more humble r61e for the present. 
They advocated the " passive policy" — the plan that had 
worked so well in Missouri the previous year — refraining 
from all action until after the independent Republicans had 
placed a ticket in the field, and then, if the platform and 
ticket were acceptable, uniting with them for the overthrow 
of radicalism. The Missouri Republican came out strongly 
for this course in October, 174 and, as the fall elections brought 

171 Annual Cyclopedia y 1871, p. 232. 

172 Ibid., 621. 

173 N. Y. World, Nov. 18, 20, 24, 1871; western Democratic papers 
quoted in N. Y. Herald, Nov. 14, 1871; editorials in Harper's Weekly, 
Nov. 11, 18, Dec. 9, 1871 discussing coalition sentiment. George Wilkes 
had a conference at Washington in December, 1871 with leading Demo- 
cratic congressmen who expressed favor for a coalition movement in 
which the "one term principle" and direct election should be leading 
issues. Spirit of the Times, Jan. 20, 1872; L. D. Campbell to Wilkes, 
Dec. 8, 1 87 1, Sumner MSS.; Wilkes to Sumner, Dec. 9, 1871, ibid. 

174 See its editorial: "The Passive Proposition," October 23, 1871. 
The Republican continued to urge this course up to the time of the Cin- 
cinnati Convention. In an editorial, Oct. 30, 1871, The Republican 
said that a Democratic candidate would probably be defeated and the 
fourth consecutive defeat would destroy the party. It thought that 
the election of a Liberal Republican was the "most practicable" result 
to be expected. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 7 1 

only continued defeat and discredit, a considerable senti- 
ment for it developed. 175 The New York World, the lead- 
ing Democratic organ in the East, indignantly spurned the 
proposal. Such a policy would be contrary to the wishes of 
the masses of the party. Furthermore, the contention 
was false that the party was losing ground, for, on the con- 
trary, it had been steadily gaining since 1868 with the en- 
franchisement of the South. 176 However, as the fortunes 
of the new movement seemed constantly to improve and 
those of the Democrats to become more hopeless with con- 
tinuing defeats in the spring elections, there could be little 
doubt how the party would act in case the platform 
and candidates presented at Cincinnati were at all satis- 
factory. The Nevada Democratic state committee has- 
tened, on February 20, to advise the national committee 
and convention to unite with the Liberals "for mutual 
cooperation and action." 177 Old-line Democrats in all parts 
of the country were ready to join in such a movement, 178 
and Democratic congressmen were reported to be a unit in 
favoring the endorsement of the Liberal nominees. 179 In 
the South the party sentiment seemed especially strong for 
a union of the opposition. 180 The World, most jealous for 

175 Montgomery Blair's letter in N. Y. World, Dec. 8, 1871; Harper's 
Weekly, Dec. 16, 1871; Trumbull to Flagg, Jan. 10, 1872, Miss. Valley 
Hist. Rev. I, 106; Ross to Trumbull, Feb. 21, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; 
Doolittle's letter, Jan. 13, 1872 in Southern Recorder, Feb. 6, 1872; 
Memphis Daily Appeal, Jan. 28, 29, 1872; Milwaukee News, Jan. 11, 
1872; Iowa "Democratic leader" in Burlington Hawk-Eye, Nov. 2, 
1 87 1, quoted in Haynes, 23. The Mo. Republican said (Nov. 8) that 
the result of the fall elections was "not encouraging to the uncompro- 
mising Democratic heart." 

176 N. Y. World, Dec. 8, 1871. 

177 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 567. 

178 See J. G. Jones to Trumbull, Feb. 24, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; 
Brinkerhoff to Trumbull, Mar. 18, 1872, ibid. 

179 "Gath's" Washington letter in Chicago Tribune, Mar. 23, 1872. 

180 Memphis Daily Appeal, Jan. 18, Feb. 1, Mar. 9, 1872; Southern 
Recorder, Feb. 6, 1872. 



72 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

the integrity of its party's organization, deprecated at first 
any " dicker' ' between the Democrats and the Liberals 181 
and continued for some time to treat the new movement 
coldly. 182 But after the Cooper Institute meeting even the 
World declared that " If this great and spirited meeting is a 
foretaste of Cincinnati, the Democratic party can well 
afford to wait and watch/' 183 

The organizers of the Liberal movement, on their side, 
had no desire for an alliance with the Democratic party as 
such. Schurz, persistently distrustful of the Democrats, 184 
was greatly chagrined when they secured the fruits of the 
Liberal triumph in Missouri. 185 Governor Brown's speech 
immediately after the election was interpreted as commit- 
ting him to the Democrats, 186 and the subsequent election 
of Frank Blair, of all men, to the United States Senate 
seemed to the administrationists indisputable proof that the 
Liberals were playing into the hands of the old enemy. 187 
The other coalition victories in the border states were 

181 N. Y. World, Dec. 22, 187 1. 

182 Ibid., Feb. 24, Mar. 12, 1872. 

183 Ibid., Apr. 13. The World admitted (Apr. 6) in praising the New 
York Liberal letter that its criticism had been too emphatic. 

184 See, for instance, Schurz 1 s Writings, II, 66-69, 296-299. 

185 Bancroft- Dunning, 341. Schurz wrote to Grosvenor (Dec. 25, 
1872) when Blair was a candidate for reelection: "Blair's first election 
was the first blow that staggered the Liberal movement. You must have 
felt with me how severe that blow was. That election appearing as the 
first fruit of our victory in Missouri deprived the movement of half of 
the credit it deserved, and placed us on the defensive." Schurz 1 s 
Writings, II, 449. 

186 Schurz to Grosvenor, Dec. 13, 1870, Schurz's Writings, II, 2. 
Senator Drake said of Brown in the Senate, Dec. 16, 1870: "He has 
gone to the Democracy and may the Lord have mercy on his soul!" 
Cong. Globe, 41 Cong., 3 Sess., Appendix, 5. See also Morton's speech 
on Feb. 23, 1872. Cong. Globe, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., 1179. The Missouri 
Republican (Nov. 10, 1870) called the election of 1870 a "Democratic 
victory." 

187 Forney to Sumner, Oct. 24, 1871, Sumner MSS.; N. Y. Times, 
Mar. 27, 1871. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 73 

rightly looked upon as resulting in the Democratic in- 
terest. 188 It was thus natural that the Liberals should 
fear such gift-bringing allies. Bowles feared that the 
" ghost of Democracy' ' would keep Republicans from the 
movement and that it would be hard to establish a reform 
party unless the Democrats would " formally throw up the 
sponge. " 189 Following the example of the Ohio Liberals 
in the fall, the Liberals in New Hampshire and Connecticut 
refused to support the Democratic candidates in their state 
elections in February and March, in spite of earnest appeals 
from Democratic papers and leaders 190 for such proofs of 
their good will. The leading Liberal organs justified this 
policy on the ground that defeat for the Democrats at this 
time would tend to precipitate the much-to-be-desired dis- 
solution of the old party and thus hasten the development 
of the new. 191 The frequency and emphasis with which 
these papers reported the death and final interment of the 
ill-reputed organization of their prospective allies 192 show 

188 See Grant's letter to the revenue collector at St. Louis, Sept. 1870, 
Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, p. 520. 

189 Bowles to Schurz, Mar. 22, 1872, Schurz' s Writings, II, 353. 
Ignatius Donnelly in reply to a request for his advice on the proposed 
movement wrote that he had tried coalition with the Democrats in 1870 
and had found a portion of them " intolerant, corrupt and treacherous" 
and he had "no faith in them." See his answer endorsed on the back 
of letter from W. L. Osborne, Apr. 11, 1872, Donnelly MSS. 

190 N. Y. World, Feb. 24, Mar. 22, 28, 1872; Doolittle to Trumbull, 
Mar. 18, 22, Trumbull MSS.; Bowles to Sumner, Mar. 18, 1872, Sumner 
MSS. 

191 Chicago Tribune, Mar. 30, 1872; Springfield Weekly Republican, 
Mar. 29, 1872. Bowies' personal opinion of the result of Democratic 
defeat in Connecticut seems not to agree with this. See his letter to 
Schurz, Mar. 22, 1872, Schurz's Writings, II, 353. The Mo. Republican 
urged that the spring elections proved that the Democrats could not 
win in the national election and that the "passive" support of the Lib- 
eral ticket was the only hope of defeating the radicals. See editorials, 
Mar. 14, 18, Apr. 6, 1872. 

192 See Chicago Tribune, Mar. 15, 24, Apr. 14, 1872; Springfield 
Weekly Republican, Mar. 15, 1872; Atlantic Monthly, Jan. 1872, p. 125. 



74 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

how greatly they desired such a clearing of the political 
field. But that they realized that the party was still very 
much alive and capable of upsetting their plans was shown 
by their emphatic warning that the convention was for 
Republicans only and was not to be subject in any way to 
Democratic influence. 193 

For a time, no doubt, Liberal organizers like Schurz had 
hoped to win over a large number, if not the bulk, of the 
Democrats to the reform party organization. Senator 
Chandler in a speech in the Senate on June 10, 1872, the 
last day of the session, charged, on what he called good 
authority, that early in November at a meeting in a New 
York hotel an agreement was entered into between "a dis- 
tinguished Democratic Senator and a distinguished Sen- 
ator who had formerly been a Republican, with Samuel J. 
Tilden and divers and sundry other Democrats that I could 
name, that a new party should be organized to be called 
the reform party/' At this conference, Chandler contin- 
ued, it was thought advisable that the Democrats in the 
Senate should remain neutral during the session and allow 
the discontented Republicans to do the talking, "and that 
a certain Republican Senator, whom I will not name, 
should be the nominee of this new party." 194 Fenton of the 
Liberals and Casserly, Thurman, and Stevenson of the 
Democrats promptly denied all knowledge of any such 
agreement and Chandler refused to give the names of the 
senators concerned. 195 While there is no definite evidence 
available, it seems likely that some conference was held 
between Democratic and Liberal leaders. Schurz was in 
New York in November 196 and was probably the ex-Re- 
publican senator referred to by Chandler. But that any 

193 Springfield Weekly Republican, Apr. 5, 1872; N. Y. Evening Post, 
Apr. 15, 1872; Trumbull to Brinkerhoff, Mar. 20, 1872, Trumbull MSS. 

194 Cong. Globe, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., 4473. 

195 Idem. 

196 N. Y. Herald, Nov. 19, 187 1. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 75 

real assurance of the abandonment of the Democratic 
organization could have been given by a Democrat like 
Tilden is unthinkable. 197 

In some quarters, however, there was a desire to come out 
definitely from the old party and unite with the new reform 
organization. This sentiment was manifested in the forma- 
tion of the so-called Reunion and Reform Associations in 
1 87 1. These associations were formed in connection with 
the independent movement started by Schurz and the Ohio 
reformers, in order to include liberally-inclined Democrats, 
these organizations being open to Liberal Republicans and 
" Liberal Democrats*' alike. The reform organizations 
started in the South by Schurz in the fall of 1871 were of 
this character. The first of the associations was formed in 
Tennessee in October, their platform being substantially 
that of the Missouri Liberals. 198 Some time later in the 
year, after being strongly urged by Schurz to take that 
step, 199 the Cincinnati reformers widened their organiza- 
tion to include persons from all parties. 200 The Reunion 
and Reform Association was in entire sympathy with the 
Cincinnati convention, but, as that gathering was to be 
confined exclusively to Republicans, it was thought best 
to keep the movements separate until a new reform party 
in which all might unite was definitely established. A call 
was therefore issued in March from the headquarters of 
the Cincinnati association for a Reunion and Reform na- 
tional convention to meet at Cincinnati on the same day as 
the Liberals, but in another hall. 201 Mass meetings were 

197 The N. Y. Herald said editorially (Nov. 18, 1871) that it under- 
stood that Seymour and Tilden were much pleased with the new reform 
party project. 

198 Annual Cyclopedia, 1871, p. 720 f. 

199 Schurz to Cox, Oct. 14, 22, 1871, Schurz 's Writings, II, 314 f. 

200 See account in Cincinnati Commercial, quoted in N. Y. Herald, 
Apr. 28, 1872, of the formation of the Reunion and Reform Association. 

201 N. Y. Tribune, Mar. 30, 1872. 



76 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

reported in a number of states in the South and West to 
select delegates to this all-party convention. 202 The organ- 
ization was reported, in April, to be well-established in the 
South, but especially strong among Western Germans. 203 
Certain influential Democratic papers in the South and 
West went so far as to urge the amalgamation of their 
organization in a new reform party, even to the surrender 
of its name. 204 

The interest which the whole country appeared to take 
in the discussion of their probable candidates may well 
have flattered the promoters of the Liberal convention. 
The availability of a considerable number of public figures 
was carefully canvassed, furnishing the press with no end 
of useful "copy." 

Certain "perpetual" candidates were considered as a 
matter of course. Judge Chase, who had long had the presi- 
dency "on the brain, " 205 after vainly hoping for the Demo- 
cratic nomination, 206 "pulled some wires' ' for that of 
the Liberals. 207 Some sort of an independent movement for 
Chase had been worked up in West Virginia, 208 and in 
April a conference of Liberal Republicans and independ- 
ent Democrats met at Parkersburg and adopted resolu- 
tions instructing the Republican delegates to the Liberal 

202 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 10, 25; Chicago Tribune, Apr. 22, 26, 1872. 

203 jv^ y. Herald, Apr. 28, 1872, quoting article in Cincinnati Com- 
mercial; editorial in N. Y. Evening Post, Apr. 19, 1872. 

204 Madison Democrat, Apr. 3, 1872; Lakeside Monthly, Mar., 1872; 
Southern Recorder, Mar. 19, 1872. 

205 Hoar, Autobiography, I, 282. 

206 Halstead to Chase, Oct. 20, 1869, Chase Correspondence in Rep. 
Am. Hist. Assoc, 1902, II, 521 f.; Clay to Chase, Jan. 3, 1871, Chase 
MSS.; Fowler to Chase, Dec. 2, 1871, ibid.; also a number of letters 
from obscure correspondents in South and West, 1869-1871 in ibid. 

207 Hart, Chase, 413; Chase to Church, Mar. 26, 1872, Warden, 
Chase, 728; Chase to Ball, Apr. 8, 1872, ibid., 729. 

208 Church to Chase, July 19, 1871, Chase MSS.; Citizens of Clay 
township to Chase, Dec. 7, 1871, ibid. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 77 

convention and the Democratic delegates to the Reunion 
and Reform convention to work for Chased nomination. 209 
But the Judge's feeble health barred him from a contest in 
which he might otherwise have been a strong competitor. 210 
Chase's colleague, Judge David Davis, proved a much 
more formidable contestant. Davis was a man of wealth, 
ambition and ability. He was nominally a Republican, but 
was without strong party convictions. 211 He had been 
mentioned the preceding year as a most suitable conserva- 
tive for the Democrats to support, in case they selected a 
candidate of that type, 212 and also as a possible coalition 
candidate. 213 Now he was put forward by his supporters 
as the best man to unite the opposition to Grant. As a 
preliminary step apparently in securing the Liberal nomina- 
tion, 214 he was named in February by the national conven- 
tion of the Labor party to head their ticket, with Governor 
Parker of New Jersey, a pronounced Democrat, as his 
running-mate. 215 Davis was very generally regarded, with 

209 N. Y. Herald, Mar. 15, Apr. 20, 1871; Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, 
p. 800. 

210 See Senator Hoar's opinion. Autobiography, I, 284. 

211 Monroe, "The Hayes-Tilden Electoral Commission" in Atlantic 
Monthly, LXXII, 528; Northrup, "A Grave Crisis in American His- 
tory" in Century, LXII, 927 f. 

212 N. Y. Herald, Apr. 19, July 21, 1871. 

213 Ibid., Oct. 14; Harper's Weekly, Oct. 28, 187 1. 

214 On Davis' attitude towards the labor nomination, see Grinnell, 
Reminiscences, 196. The year before Davis had stated that he would 
accept the Democratic nomination if tendered him with any degree 
of unanimity. Interview in the Chicago Republican, quoted in N. Y. 
Herald, July 21, 1871. Henry Watterson in his letter to the Courier 
Journal from the Cincinnati convention wrote that the Democratic 
congressmen as a preliminary move to Davis' nomination got up a con- 
vention at Columbus of a "gang of execrable dead-beats . . . 
called Labor Reformers." Quoted in Chicago Tribune, May 9, 1872. 
Wilson says {Hist, of American People, V, 123) that the labor convention 
was " made up chiefly of trades union bosses and political free lances." 

215 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, pp. 773 f.; Stanwood, Hist, of the Presi- 
dency, 335-338. 



78 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

seeming truth, as the choice of the Democratic politicians. 216 
The leading Democratic congressmen seem to have been 
committed to his candidacy 217 and other prominent Dem- 
ocratic leaders were reported as working to the same end. 218 
The "Bourbon" Chicago Times was the foremost Davis 
organ, 219 and Democratic papers all over the country, with 
but one notable exception, regarded the labor ticket as a 
suitable one for the coalition. 220 The New York World, 
in its solicitude for the dignity and integrity of the Demo- 
cratic organization, strongly opposed Judge Davis' candi- 
dacy and denounced the tactics of the " cabal of Democratic 
congressmen' ' who were backing the scheme. 221 The lead- 
ing independent organs were most suspicious of any move 
that threatened the interference of the malign Democrats 
in their projects and served notice that Judge Davis, in his 
present company, would not do at all to lead the Liberal 
cause. 222 

216 Trumbull to Koerner, Mar. 9, 1872, Koerner, Memoirs, II, 538; 
Scovel to Sumner, Mar. 18, 1872, Sumner MSS.; White to Trumbull, 
Mar. 17, 24, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; Dubois to Trumbull, Apr. 18, 1872, 
ibid.) Watterson, "Humor and Tragedy of the Greeley Campaign" in 
Century Magazine, LXXV, 33. 

217 See editorial in Leslie's Newspaper, Aug. 10, 1872; Wis. Weekly 
State Journal, Apr. 16, 1872. 

218 McClernand to Trumbull, Apr. 24, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; Steiner, 
Johnson, 261. 

219 Chicago Times editorials, Feb. 26, Mar. 7, 21, 1872, and following 
issues. 

220 Milwaukee News, Feb. 25, 28, 1872; Madison Democrat, Feb. 2j, 
1872; Clinton (Iowa) Age, Mar. 8, 1872, cited in Haynes, 26; Southern 
Recorder, Mar. 19, 1872 (quoting papers from various parts of the 
South); Memphis Appeal, Feb. 17, 24, Mar. 11, 16, 1872; Washington 
Patriot, quoted in Memphis Appeal, Mar. 17, 1872. 

221 N. Y. World, Mar. 14, 18, 19, Apr. 30, May 1, 1872. 

222 Springfield Weekly Republican, Mar. 8, 1872; Chicago Tribune, 
Apr. 14, May 1, 1872; N. Y. Evening Post, Apr. 23, 1872; Cincinnati 
Commercial and Cincinnati Volksblatt, cited in Cincinnati Semi-Weekly 
Gazette, Apr. 30, 1872. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 79 

From the beginning of an active agitation for a coalition 
in the preceding fall, certain of Greeley's admirers, par- 
ticularly in the West, had been bringing his name forward 223 
and after his declaration for the Liberals he had become one 
of the stock candidates of the press. 224 At first, with his 
pronounced antagonism to certain Democratic principles, 
Greeley seems to have been not at all enthusiastic about the 
coalition nomination. To a Democratic admirer who in 
October had suggested his candidacy, he protested: "I 
am not the man you need. Your party is mostly Free- 
trade, and I am a ferocious Protectionist. I have no doubt 
that I might be nominated and elected by your help, but 
it would place us all in a false position. . . . You must 
take some man like Gratz Brown, or Trumbull, or General 
Cox . . . and thus help to pacify and reunite our country 
anew." 225 Again, in January, he returned this ultimatum to 
the labor people who were sounding him as to his desire for 
their support: "I heartily wish my name had never been 
connected with the presidency. I see plainly that it can 
only result in vexation and misapprehension. And I shall 
never shape and groove my opinions to make myself ac- 
ceptable to any party. As far as the labor party seems to 
me right, I approve and commend its propositions, but no 
further for twenty offices." 226 This certainly has not the 
tone of the office-seeking maniac that Greeley has been so 

223 Clay, Memoirs, I, 503; Henry Reed's letters to Cincinnati Com- 
moner, quoted in Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Nov. 28, Dec. 5, 1871. 

224 See, for instance, N. Y. Herald, Apr. 27, 30, 1872; Chicago Tribune, 
Apr. 29, 1872; Chicago Times, Apr. 2y, 1872. The New York Times 
contained some attack on Greeley's candidacy in practically every issue 
during the month of April. See especially editorials, Apr. 1, 11, 16, 
21, 28, 29. The formation of " Horace Greeley Irish American Leagues' 7 
was reported in several wards of the city, N. Y. Tribune, Apr, 9, 1872; 
N. Y. Times, Apr. 10, 1872. Nast in his cartoon entitled " Cincinnatus" 
(Harper's Weekly, Feb. 10, 1872) forecasted Greeley's active candidacy. 

225 Ingersoll, Greeley, 545 f . 

226 Quoted in Springfield Weekly Republican, Jan. 12, 1872. 



80 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

often represented. But as the bolt spread in the Republican 
ranks and the likelihood of success in union with the Demo- 
crats appeared reasonably assured, the veteran editor's 
life-long desire for political recognition 227 seems to have 
overcome his discretion. He brushed lightly aside the 
criticism of his inconsistency in signing the New York call 
which strongly endorsed tariff reform. His signature, he 
held, while showing his general sympathy with the Liberal 
movement did not commit him to everything contained in 
its platform. He was just as strong a protectionist as ever; 
he desired simply that the convention leave this question to 
the decision of the people in the congressional districts — 
the position which the " Republican party has always main- 
tained. " 2?8 Greeley's position on the tariff question at this 
time foreshadowed a compromise in the convention. 229 

To the politicians, who were promoting a coalition move- 
ment in accordance with their own ideas, Greeley appeared 
most available as a candidate for vice-president with Davis, 230 

227 See on this characteristic, Blaine, Twenty Years of Cong., II, 533; 
Rhodes, II, 72. 

228 Editorials in N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 1, 4, 1872. 

229 See comment of the Nation, Apr. 4, 1872, p. 209. See also Trum- 
bull's correspondence with Sinclair Tousey on the tariff question in 
April, 1872, Trumbull MSS. 

230 Defrees letter to Reid, mentioned in Ingersoll, 546 n.; McClure, 
II, 334 f. The Washington correspondent of the Savannah Republican 
wrote: "Horace Greeley may be given the second place on the Davis 
Reform ticket. Many Democrats say they will vote for Greeley, al- 
though they would prefer to have him at the head of the ticket . . . 
At present there seems to be no more available ticket for Liberal Re- 
publicans than Davis and Greeley." Quoted in Memphis Appeal, Mar. 
23, 1872. W. S. Robinson wrote to Sumner (Mar. 18, 1872) that the 
plan to run Davis and Greeley was "absurd." Sumner MSS. The 
Chicago Tribune, on the contrary, in mentioning the report that Greeley 
was to be candidate for vice-president spoke of his qualifications with 
great praise. "Mr. Greeley's name would be the strongest and most 
popular that was ever submitted to the suffrage of the people for the 
Vice- Presidency." Chicago Tribune, Mar. 19, 1872. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 8 1 

and Greeley and his backers were evidently well satisfied 
with the assignment of the second honor. 231 In reply to a 
definite proposal of this sort made early in March by Davis' 
manager, Greeley responded: "Very good. But let us 
have no bargains, no trades, no understandings, except 
that the Cincinnati Convention shall nominate that ticket 
which can get most votes, and be composed of worthy, cap- 
able men. We must have nothing cut-and-dried, but the 
genuine voice of the people." 232 Nothing could better 
show Greeley's political naivete, in spite of all his experience 
with conventions and campaigns, than such a statement to 
the sort of politicians in whose keeping his candidacy rested. 
"Favorite sons" were not lacking. Governor Brown in 
Missouri was reported to be exerting every influence at his 
command to become the national candidate of the move- 
ment which he had led so gloriously in his own state. 233 
Sumner's name seemed to many a source of peculiar 
strength, 234 but his failure to declare his position definitely 
before the convention precluded any active effort in his 

231 McClure, II, 334; Dana to Clay, Feb. 23, 1872, Clay, I, 589 f. 
Greeley wrote to Grinnell at Cincinnati: "Leave my name out of the 
question as a candidate. We ought to unite on Judge Davis of Illinois, 
the old friend of Mr. Lincoln." Grinnell, 224. The Washington Patriot 
said in its report of the first day of the convention: " Greeley prefers 
Davis to himself and is decidedly opposed to Adams." Patriot, May 2, 
1872. 

232 Greeley to Defrees, Mar. 10, 1872, Ingersoll, 546 n. 

233 J. A. Cochrane to C. C. Cook, Jan. 8, 1872, Chase MSS.; R. L. 
Lindsay to Trumbull, Jan. 19, 1872, Trumbull MSS. A conference of 
Liberal leaders in the interest of Brown was reported in Washington 
on April 2. Greeley was said to be the choice of the conferees for vice- 
president. N. Y. Times y Apr. 4, 1872. 

234 Springfield Weekly Republican, Apr. 26, 1872; Pierce, IV, 517; 

Bartlett to Apr. 21, 1872, Palfrey, Bartlett, 228. George Wilkes 

was a persistent Sumner advocate. See his editorials in Spirit of the 
Times, Jan. 20, Mar. 30, Apr. 20, 27, 1872. 

7 



82 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

behalf. 235 Men like Curtin of Pennsylvania, Cox of Ohio, 
and Governor Palmer of Illinois were mentioned from time 
to time, both for first and second place. 

The man in active public life whose candidacy made the 
widest appeal was Senator Lyman Trumbull. 236 In spite of 
the strong rivalry 237 from Davis and Brown he had many 
loyal supporters all over the Middle West. 238 He also had 
strong friends among the independent Republicans in the 
East. 239 

Charles Francis Adams was undoubtedly the choice of 
the majority of the independent, reform element. In 
many respects Adams was an ideal candidate ; his integrity, 
experience in public affairs, liberal views, and freedom from 

235 pierce, IV, 527, 529. Wilkes claimed that Sumner told him a few 
days before the convention that he did not wish to have his name 
presented. Spirit of the Times, May 11, 1872. 

236 During the winter Trumbull received letters from more or less 
prominent persons urging his availability as a coalition candidate. 
See Joseph Brown to Trumbull, Dec. 12, Jan. 12, 1872, Trumbull MSS. 
Other letters of the same sort are given in White, 375. Trumbull re- 
plied that his avowed candidacy at this time would injure his work for 
reform. Trumbull to Joseph Brown, Dec. 25, 1871, ibid. Trumbull 
expressed the view until shortly before the convention that it would be 
the best policy not to make nominations. Trumbull to Brinkerhoff, 
Mar. 20, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; Trumbull to Fell, Apr. 11, 1872, Miss. 
Valley Hist. Rev. I, 108. 

237 On the rivalry of middle western candidates, see B. C. Cook to 
Trumbull, Mar. 21, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; White to Trumbull, Mar. 24, 
1872; Trumbull to Palmer, Apr. 8, 1872, ibid.; Trumbull to White, 
Apr. 24, 1872, ibid.; Dubois to Trumbull, Apr. 18, 1872, ibid.; Cin- 
cinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Apr. 30, 1872. 

238 Brinkerhoff to Trumbull, Feb. 8, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; Ross to 
Trumbull, Feb. 21, 1872, ibid.; Koerner to Trumbull, Apr. 5, 1872, 
ibid.; Dubois to Trumbull, Apr. 10, 1872, ibid.; Palmer to Trumbull, 
Apr. 13, 1872, ibid.; Magall to Trumbull, Apr. 16, 1872, ibid.; Chicago 
Tribune editorial Apr. 26, 1872. 

239 Lewis to Trumbull, Feb. 26, 1872, Trumbull MSS.; White, 375. 
Leslie's Newspaper (Apr. 20, 1872) put as its first choice Trumbull and 
Walker. The N. Y. Sun was also favorable to Trumbull. C. D. Hay 
to Trumbull, Jan. 3, 1872, Trumbull MSS. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 83 

recent party controversy, all fitted him to lead the new party 
movement. 240 The Nation, taking the stand that "the new 
candidate for the Presidency must be a first-rate man, a dis- 
tinguished man, a man versed in affairs, and who has filled 
places of trust and difficulty with ability and fidelity, and 
who is as well known for the soundness of his judgment and 
the good repute of his associates as for the purity of his own 
character/' 241 put Adams at the head of its list of those hav- 
ing these qualifications. 242 The Springfield Republican was 
of the opinion that " the door is open wide enough when only 
Charles Francis Adams, Horace Greeley and Lyman Trum- 
bull are admitted to the list from which successful nomina- 
tions shall be made/' While thinking highly of all these 
candidates, the Republican believed that Adams was the 
strongest, and that if the ticket was to be " double 
headed" Adams and Trumbull would present the most 
formidable combination. 243 Adams' candidacy also had 
the sympathy of eastern Democrats whose views were 
expressed by the World. Adams seemed to the World an 
entirely acceptable coalition candidate and it strongly in- 
timated that a candidate of his type only would receive the 
Democratic endorsement. 244 He was almost the only avail- 
able candidate of Republican antecedents who would 
not put the Democrats on the defensive, requiring apolo- 
gies for his endorsement. His views ran counter to their 
party on no important question. 245 "If our next Pres- 

240 Cf. Adams, Adams, 390. 

241 Nation, Apr. 25, 1872, p. 269. 

242 Ibid., Mar. 21, p. 181; Apr. 25, p. 265. Cf. N. Y. Evening Post, 
Apr. 23, 1872. 

-^Springfield Weekly Republican, Apr. 26, 1872. General W. F. 
Bartlett came out in the Republican with a strong letter for Adams, 
Apr. 10, which attracted wide attention. Palfrey, 226 f. 

244 N. Y. World, Apr. 23, 1872. But it promised to support Brown, 
Trumbull or Davis if adopted by the party, ibid., Mar. 18, 23, Apr. 30, 
1872. 

245 Ibid., Apr. 27. 



84 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

ident is to be selected on the grounds of fitness," it urged, 
''no man in the country is so well entitled to the office as 
Mr. Adams; and we believe this would be the judgment of 
three-fourths of the American people." 246 Shortly before 
the Liberal convention Schurz was advised by leading 
eastern Democrats, like ex-Governor Randolph of New Jer- 
sey, Manton Marble of the World, and August Belmont, 
the chairman of the national committee, that Adams' nomi- 
ination would be the strongest possible and would insure the 
support of their party. 247 But Adams, in spite of his un- 
questioned integrity and high qualifications in many ways, 
did not prove to be altogether invulnerable as a candidate. 
His policy during the Fenian raids was used at this time, as 
later, to alienate the Irish support. 248 A couple of weeks 
before the convention he wrote to Wells of its possible action 
concerning himself in a rather cavalier manner 249 which was 
creditable to his political independence but likely to offend 
the dignity of the average delegate, even in a reform con- 
vention, and not likely to be fully appreciated by the average 
voter. The independent press gave its appreciation of his 
exalted sentiments, 250 and the World lauded the " high- 
toned, masculine letter . . . the effusion of a states- 
man who scorns to weigh duty against advantage, who can 
descend to no unworthy compliances, and who desires no 
office except as a free, unbought mark of trust in his char- 
acter." 251 His opponents, on the other hand, seized the 
opportunity to expatiate on the unpopularity of the Adams 
family and the utter lack of availability as a coalition can- 

246 N. Y. World, Apr. 24, 1872. 

247 White, 373; Bancroft-Dunning, 344. 

248 See correspondence in N. Y. World on this matter, Apr. 25-30, 
1872; Madison Democrat, Apr. 26, 1872. 

249 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 777; Springfield Weekly Republican, 
Apr. 26, 1872. 

250 Nation, May 2, 1872, p. 281; Chicago Tribune, Apr. 26, 1872; 
Springfield Republican, quoted in N. F. Tribune, Apr. 30, 1872. 

251 N. Y. World, Apr. 25, 1872. 



DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LIBERAL MOVEMENT 85 

didate of this member of it. 252 But in spite of these possible 
weaknesses from the politician's point of view, Adams con- 
tinued to be in the front rank of the possible candidates. 
On the eve of the convention the situation as regards 
candidates was this: the ' 'slate" of the managing, schem- 
ing politicians, among both the Liberals and Democrats, 
was Davis and Greeley; to most of the reform group, and 
to the conservative eastern Democrats, Adams and a promi- 
nent middle western Liberal like Trumbull, Cox, 253 or Palmer 
seemed to be the ticket best representing the aims of the 
opposition. 

252 Washington Patriot, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 30, 1872; 
Chicago Times, Apr. 25, 1872; Albany Argus, Apr. 29, 1872; Madison 
Democrat, Apr. 26, 1872; Richmond Whig and Advertiser, Apr. 26, 1872. 
W. S. Robinson, the Boston correspondent of the Springfield Republican 
and a leading Massachusetts Liberal, wrote to Sumner (Apr. 9, 1872) 
that Adams' nomination "would in my judgment be a great mistake, 
for he and his family represent too much the anti-popular element — the 
sneering, sniffing element, which can never have permanent success in 
our politics." Sumner MSS. Cf. Bowies' comment on Adams' 
candidacy in the convention, below, ch. Ill, note 66. The N. Y. 
Times made good use of Adams' letter to cast discredit on the general 
character of the convention. See editorials, Apr. 25, 26, 27, 1872. 

263 The N. Y. Evening Post thought General Cox the most ac- 
ceptable candidate for vice-president. See editorial on candidates, 
Apr. 23, 1872. 



CHAPTER III 

REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS IN THE CINCINNATI 
CONVENTION 

The mass convention that assembled at Cincinnati was 
composed of most diverse elements, representing as it did 
all shades of opposition to existing conditions. Impractical 
doctrinaires, constructive reformers, public men of tried 
integrity, and political intriguers long-exposed were all in 
evidence. 1 But with the exception of certain groups like 
some of the Davis recruits from Illinois, Warmoth's hench- 
men from Louisiana and the New York Tammany Re- 
publicans, the gathering was a respectable one and probably 
compared favorably with most national conventions. 2 
Bowles thought that there were fewer manufactured dele- 
gations than at Philadelphia in 1856 and no more than at 
Chicago in i860. 3 The Davis men from Central Illinois 
constituted the largest number of obtruding politicians. 
The Judge's managers provided transportation for all whom 
they could persuade to go to the convention in their can- 
didate's interest. Much Davis enthusiasm was stirred up 
in that part of the state and several hundred joined the 

1 See Bowies' characterization in his letter from the convention, 
Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10 (all dates when not otherwise 
indicated are for the year 1872); Watterson, "Humor and Tragedy of 
the Greeley Campaign," in Century Magazine, LXXXV, 30. 

2 White, Trumbull, 380; Julian, Pol. Recollections, 337. The cor- 
respondent of the Nation, probably Godkin, wrote of the convention: 
"I doubt, indeed, whether a more respectable, honest, intelligent, public- 
spirited body of men has ever got together for a similar purpose." 
Nation, May 9, p. 303. 

3 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. 

86 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 87 

excursion. 4 The New York and Pennsylvania delegations, 
a shrewd observer thought, contained more political expe- 
rience than all the rest of the convention put together. 5 
These political adepts, veterans of many a hard-fought cam- 
paign, directed by Senator Fen ton for New York and 
Colonel A. K. McClure for Pennsylvania, were planning, as 
generally understood at Cincinnati on the eve of the con- 
vention, to join their skill to the numerical strength of the 
forces for Davis and nominate that candidate, with Greeley 
or Curtin for the second place. 6 

The boldness and pretentiousness with which these 
manipulators prepared to capture the convention brought 
upon them a decisive counter-stroke from the reform camp. 
Soon after reaching the convention city, four leading 
independent editors — Bowles, Halstead, White and Watter- 
son — met together for consultation and formed a fellow- 
ship for united action which came to be termed in the 
campaign the "great quadrilateral." 7 To these men Davis' 
candidacy, promoted as it was, seemed a complete trav- 
esty of the reforms for which they were working. In 
consultation on the evening of April 29 they determined 
not to support the politicians' ticket under any considera- 
tion, and this ultimatum was wired to their various papers 
to appear the next morning as editorial leaders. Fenton, 
as the recognized general of the Davis-Greeley forces, was 
promptly notified of this action. The Senator admitted 
that the attitude of the independent press would be fatal 

4 Swett to Fell, Apr. 1, Miss. Valley Hist. Rev. I, 107; Stevenson, 
Men I have Known, 286; Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. It 
was said that 500, of whom half were Democrats, were brought to Cin- 
cinnati in Davis' interest. Koerner, Memoirs, II, 544. 

5 Bowles in Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. 

6 Ibid.; Nation, May 9, p. 303; McClure, Old Time Notes, II, 335; 
Trumbull to White, Apr. 24, Trumbull MSS.; Letter to N. Y. Evening 
Post (May 10) from a "Free Trade Revenue Reform Member"; 
Morehouse, Fell, 103. 

7 Watterson, 30. 



88 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

to his candidate and left the following evening for Wash- 
ington. 8 "The best men here, " Bowles wrote to his paper, 
"are glad that Gov. Fenton has gone away. It leaves the 
result of the convention free from suspicion. The general 
feeling is that he left because of the failure of the Davis 
intrigue in which he was deeply engaged." 9 

But the triumph of the independents in this preliminary 
skirmish did not mean that the manoeuvres of intriguing 
politicians at the convention city had been suppressed. 
Greeley was the favorite candidate of the Tammany Re- 
publicans (with the exception of Senator Fenton) and of 
other eastern and southern politicians of a like caste, 10 and 
so soon as the Davis project fell through, they hastened to 
push forward his candidacy, some of the more enthusiastic 
supporters, as one reporter put it, "working for him like 
beavers." 11 

In accordance with the call for the mass convention, the 
persons in attendance from each state were to choose their 

8 Watterson, 33; Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10; Nation, May 

9, P. 303. 

9 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 3. Bowles had written to 
Sumner (Mar. 30), "Fenton I take it will sell out if he can get his price. 
I am quite content that he should. He belongs to no true reform party.' ' 
Sumner MSS. The N. Y. Tribune of May 1 thus mentioned Fenton's 
departure: "Gov. Fenton returned to Washington this evening [Apr. 30] 
in high spirits over what he believes the strongly probable success of the 
convention in candidates and platform." The N. Y. Times said (May 
7) that he was "frightened away by the independent journalists." 

10 Trumbull to White, Apr. 24, Trumbull MSS.; Scovel to Sumner, 
Mar. 18, Sumner MSS.; interview of John Cochrane in N. Y. World, 
Apr. 29; Bowies' report of convention for April 30 in Springfield Weekly 
Republican, May 3. 

11 N. Y. World, May 1; N. Y. Tribune, May 1; Albany Argus, May 2. 
Bowles wrote of Fenton's sudden departure that "he did not like to stay 
and have the further odium of a failure in the now dominant Greeley 
movement." Springfield Weekly Republican, May 3. In the Penn- 
sylvania gathering, April 30, McClure withdrew Curtin as a candidate 
for vice-president, and presented him as the state's first and only choice 
for president. N. Y. Times, May 2. 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 89 

official delegates to act in the convention. The only delega- 
tions in which contest arose were those from the Illinois 
between the Davis and Trumbull supporters, and from New 
York between the Greeley men and the tariff reformers. The 
Illinois people reached an amicable settlement the night 
before the opening of the convention. The Davis ad- 
herents, though far outnumbering their rivals, conceded 
them half of the delegates, and the caucus passed off most 
harmoniously. 12 The differences among the New Yorkers 
were more irreconcilable. In their meeting for organiza- 
tion, on April 30, it was soon apparent that the Greeley 
men, 13 who were in a large majority, intended to secure a 
delegation in their candidate's interest, while the representa- 
tives of the Free Trade League and other reform organiza- 
tions 14 were determined to have a voice. The dominant 
majority, to carry through their scheme, secured the ap- 
pointment of a committee headed by Cochrane to report 
the list of delegates, with the stipulation, finally conceded 
to the reformers, that the district delegates might be named 

12 N. Y. Tribune, May 1 ; Morehouse, 103 f . 

13 Bowles thought that Waldo Hutchins was the real leader of the 
New York politicians though John Cochrane as usual made himself 
most conspicuous. Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. Other 
prominent Greeley men in the delegation were Ethan Allen, Sinclair 
Tousey, Theodore Tilton, George Wilkes, William Dorsheimer, and 
E. A. Merritt. N. Y. Tribune, May 1, 2. Evidently as an opening 
thrust at the independents, a motion made by Tousey was adopted that 
as it was reported that there were a number in attendance not fully 
committed to the Liberal movement every man present should be com- 
pelled "to give his name, residence, and an assurance of sympathy with 
the movement, and go on record as being in sympathy or leave the 
room." Tellers were appointed for this purpose and the active par- 
ticipants duly qualified, no expulsions being reported. N. F. Tribune, 
May 1. 

14 Henry D. Lloyd was the chief spokesman for The Free Trade 
League. A Mr. Bishop said that he represented the Young Men's 
Municipal Association of New York City, 10,000 strong, who claimed a 
representation in the convention. N. Y. Tribune, May 1. 



90 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

by those in attendance from each district. 15 The politicians 
openly showed their hand next day when a resolution was 
forced through providing that the delegation should vote as 
a unit for Greeley until twenty should request a consultation, 
after which the vote should go as directed by a majority, 
"provided the convention shall not direct a different method 
of procedure." 16 The reformers in vain made bitter object- 
ions that in thus tying the delegates' hands, the same sort 
of tyranny was exercised against which the Liberal move- 
ment was largely a protest. 17 The list of delegates 18 re- 
ported by Cochrane showed an almost complete disregard 
of the reform minority and a deliberate purpose to pack the 
delegation in Greeley's interest. Among the sixty-eight dele- 
gates but three tariff reformers were included, though that 
element had given the committee the names of twelve repre- 
sentatives whom they desired; 19 but the leading Greeley 
managers were all given votes. These tactics of the poli- 
ticians in the New York caucus, 20 with their iron-clad unit 
rule and unrepresentative list of delegates, showed clearly 
enough that they meant to stop at nothing that long years 
of convention-manipulation could suggest to force their 
candidate upon the unwary reformers. 

15 N. Y. Tribune, May i; N. Y. Times, May i; Lloyd, Lloyd, I, 27. 

16 N. Y. Tribune, May 2. The proviso was added at the instance of 
Judge Selden. The resolution was finally adopted by a vote of 99 to 22. 

17 Idem. 

18 Idem. 

19 N. Y. Evening Post, May 3. Henry D. Lloyd's openly-avowed 
opposition to Greeley led to his withdrawal as a delegate. A motion 
made to substitute another delegate in his place was not adopted, but he 
declined to act. N. Y. Tribune, May 2; Lloyd, I, 28. David Dudley 
Field sent his name to the caucus, but the secretary refused to register 
him, probably by reason of his pronounced free-trade position. N. Y. 
Tribune, May 1; Blaine, Twenty Years of Cong. II, 521. After the cau- 
cus instructed for Greeley, Field said that he had no desire to act on the 
delegation. N. Y. Tribune, May 2. 

20 For scathing criticisms of the New York caucus' action, see edi- 
torials in N. Y. Evening Post, May 3; Cincinnati Gazette, quoted in 
N. Y. Tribune, May 2, and Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, May 3. 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 9 1 

At noon, on Wednesday, May I, Colonel Grosvenor, as 
chairman of the Missouri state convention that had issued 
the call for the national gathering, called the convention to 
order, and Stanley Matthews of Ohio, as temporary chair- 
man, set forth the short-comings of the administration and 
the responsibilities of the delegates in the usual style. 21 
Liberals of a superstitious turn might well have con- 
sidered that the later unhappy developments in their move- 
ment were a judgment upon them for the omission of the 
customary opening prayer. 

The second day committees were named 22 and a permanent 
organization effected. The usual Republican rules, includ- 
ing the House of Representatives procedure, individual 
voting, and nominating by a majority vote, were adopted. 23 
The failure to adopt a unit rule was due largely to the efforts 
of Theodore Tilton in the committee on resolutions, the 
Greeley leaders in the New York delegation considering 
that they had unnecessarily hurt their cause by suppressing 
the few free-traders in the delegation. 24 

The chief contest before the credentials committee came 
from the New York minority. Their protest, presented to 
the convention by Judge Selden, was promptly referred to 
the committee. The paper stated that the signers were 
opposed to Greeley's candidacy and that they protested 
against the high-handed manner in which the state's delega- 
tion had been packed in his interest. They cited cases 
where delegates actually selected by a majority from their 
district were excluded by reason of their opposition to 

31 Proceedings of the Lib. Rep. Convention, 4; N. Y. Tribune, May 2. 

22 Territories, whose delegates were allowed seats in the convention, 
were given representation on committees the same as states but their 
•delegates were not allowed to vote for candidates. Proceedings, 6, 23; 
N. Y. Tribune, May 3, 4. 

23 Proceedings, 13-14. 

24 So stated in N. Y. Tribune's correspondence from the convention. 
See issue of May 3. 



92 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Greeley, and claimed that in the selection of delegates for 
districts not represented "all persons understood to be 
opposed to the nomination of Mr. Greeley were studiously 
ignored.' ' The list of delegates as it now stood, they con- 
cluded, did not represent the true sentiment of the state's 
mass delegation. 25 In the hearing before the committee, 
Wilkinson, the New York member, a strong Greeley man, 
defended the action of the majority, while Mahlon Sands, 
the secretary of the Free Trade League, spoke for the con- 
testants. After a heated discussion over the course of the re- 
formers in case Greeley sh ould be the choice of the convention 
(which Sands refused to state definitely), the committee by 
a vote of 28 to 12 decided against the contestants. 26 This 
report was subsequently adopted by the convention. 27 

Schurz, contrary to the general expectation, 28 took the 
chair as permanent president. In his " key-note" speech, 
" full of the loftiest aspiration," 29 he exhorted the delegates 
to measure up to their opportunity " grand and full of 
promise." To disappoint the high expectations of the 
popular uprising against the abuses of the time would re- 
sult not only in throwing away this opportunity but in dis- 
crediting for a long time to come all popular reform move- 
ments. Such would be the unhappy result, he warned, if 
they resorted to the "old tricks of the political trader," or 
frittered away their zeal "in small bickerings and mean, 

25 Proceedings, 8. Among the signers were Theodore Bacon, D. D. 
Field, Mahlon Sands, H. D. Lloyd, and William Dudley Foulke. 

26 N. Y. Tribune, May 3. 

27 Proceedings, 13. There was also some dispute over the casting of 
California's vote, the committee at first deciding that there was but one 
delegate present competent to act for the state, but later reporting that 
its information was erroneous as another delegate was present who 
claimed to be a bona fide California resident and promised to stump 
the state for the ticket. The convention adopted this modified report. 
Idem.; N. Y. Tribune, May 3. 

28 N. Y. Tribune, May 3. 

29 Nation, May 9, p. 303. 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 93 

selfish aspirations/ ' In making the platform he urged his 
fellow delegates above all to "be honest and straight- forward 
and not attempt to cheat those whom we ask to follow our 
lead, by deceitful representations.' ' For candidate no one 
short of a real statesman, a man of "superior intelligence, 
coupled with superior virtue'' would measure up to the 
Liberal standard. The end was not to defeat the existing 
administration, but to secure a real political regeneration — 
"therefore, away with the cry, ' Anybody to beat Grant'; a 
cry too paltry, too unworthy of the great enterprise in which 
we are engaged." "Availability" meant the finding of the 
"very best men" and from that list selecting "the strong- 
est." If such a man were selected the "insidious accusa- 
tion" that the convention was "a mere gathering of dis- 
appointed and greedy politicians" would be completely 
disproven, and its purity and patriotism of motive vindi- 
cated. In view of the great things at stake, the delegates 
were impressively besought to despise as unworthy the 
"tricky manipulations by which, to the detriment of the 
Republic, political bodies have so frequently been con- 
trolled," and for the common good to "rise above all petty 
considerations" like personal friendships and local pride. 
"We stand on the threshold of a great victory," he con- 
cluded, "and victory will surely be ours if we truly deserve 
it." 30 The whole address was an earnest and eloquent plea 
for the Liberal movement as conceived by its original insti- 
gators. The speeches and tactics of the Tammany Re- 
publicans in the New York caucus had well reflected the 
ideas and aims of the intriguing politicians in the conven- 
tion; Schurz's speech was the best expression of the ideals 
and aspirations of the reformers. 

In the consideration of the platform the great and only 
important source of disagreement was the tariff question. 
At the one extreme were the radical free-traders from Mis- 

30 Proceedings, 9-12; Schurz's Writings, II, 354-361. 



94 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

souri, Ohio and New England demanding a positive declara- 
tion for their principle, 31 and at the other Greeley refusing 
to lend his Tribune to the new party if such a policy were 
adopted. 32 Aside from the free-trade agitators, however r 
there was an evident tendency, even on the part of leading 
organizers of the movement, to consider the tariff as a 
question of not the first importance and to adopt a con- 
ciliatory attitude. 33 For three days before the opening of 
the convention conferences were held between the free- 
traders, led by Grosvenor, Hoadly, Atkinson, Wells, Godkin 
and Field, and the Greeley managers, especially Reid y 
Dorsheimer and Tousey. Efforts were made to secure a 
statement of the issue to which all would agree. Several 
proposals were offered by the reformers, ranging from the 
statement in the Missouri call, upon which the radicals 
insisted, to that contained in the New York letter signed 
by Greeley himself ; but the Greeley spokesmen insisted as 
their ultimatum upon the non-committal proposal of 

31 For the attitude of the extreme free-traders before the convention,, 
see Robinson to Sumner, Mar. 18, Sumner MSS.; Brinkerhoff to Trum- 
bull, Mar. 23, Trumbull MSS.; Prime to Trumbull, Mar. 29, ibid., 
Trumbull to White, Apr. 24, ibid. 

32 In an editorial, April 30, Greeley stated that in case the free-traders 
should secure the adoption of their plank he would have ''increased 
respect for their courage, with a low estimate of their discretion." He 
asked only that they state their position clearly, as sooner or later the 
country must decide on the tariff issue. In a letter to a friend, May 1, 
Greeley complained that the free-traders wanted to force a platform on 
the convention that would probably defeat its candidate, but he was 
determined to thwart their plan. "They may make the candidate as 
they please, but not the platform if I can help it." Benton, Greeley on 
Lincoln, etc., 214 f. 

33 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 30, May I. Bowles wrote from the conven- 
tion (Apr. 30) : "The fact is that most of the revenue reformers here aie 
not tenacious of a radical declaration on this question. They see it is 
practically useless for their cause, while it would weaken if not defeat a 
great political movement through which all reform is to be moved for- 
ward." Springfield Weekly Republican, May 3. 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 95 

their candidate — that the matter be referred to the people 
of each congressional district for determination. 34 

The question was finally fought out in an all-night session 
of the committee on resolutions. The committee con- 
tained a majority of protectionists, and some of the more 
ardent free-traders threatened to bolt the convention if a 
reform plank was not reported. Finally, however, to secure 
harmony for the ticket, feeling certain at this time that 
their candidate would be named, reform leaders like Wells, 
Atkinson and Hoadly urged concession on this issue, and 
a resolution identical with Greeley's formulation was 
adopted. 35 This compromise was condemned by ultra free- 
traders at the time 36 and has been characterized by the lead- 
ing historian of the period as the one " resolution out of 
keeping with the high aims and determined spirit of the 
movement." 37 But this concession was considered by some 
of the men who had the true interests of the Liberal move- 
ment most at heart as necessary to secure the greater ends, 38 
and it undoubtedly reflected the sentiment of a large 
majority of the delegates. 39 

The other resolutions, embodying in the main the Mis- 
souri platform — equality before the law, acceptance of the 
war amendments, universal amnesty, local self-government, 

34 N. Y. Tribune, May I, 2; Watterson, 35; Springfield Weekly Re- 
publican, May 3; Reid's telegram to Greeley, May 1, printed in Benton, 
Greeley on Lincoln, etc., 215 f. 

35 N. Y. Tribune, May 3; article by Isaac H. Bromley in ibid., June 25; 
Hoadly 's speech quoted in ibid., Aug. 26; Brinkerhoff, Recollections, 
217. 

36 Evening Post, May 7; Nation, May 9, p. 300. 

37 Rhodes, VI, 419. 

38 Schurz to Greeley, May 6, Schurz's Writings, II, 362 f.; Bowles in 
Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10; Trumbull to White, Apr. 24, 
White, 379, and White's opinion in ibid., 382. 

39 The Nation correspondent wrote of the tariff resolution: " It is right 
to add that the sentiment of the Convention was overwhelmingly in 
favor of this course." Nation, May 9, p. 303. 



96 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

civil service reform — including the restriction of the presi- 
dent to one term, just and adequate federal taxation, 
denunciation of repudiation, a speedy return to specie pay- 
ments, an expression of gratitude to the soldiers and sailors, 
opposition to land grants to railroads or other corporations, 
and just dealings with foreign nations — preceded by a 
statement of the manifold short-comings and complete 
failure of the existing administration 40 — were agreed to 
without dissent. The platform as thus constructed was 
received with enthusiasm when presented in the convention 
(on the morning of May 3) and was unanimously adopted. 41 

With the platform out of the way, the convention was 
ready, on the third day of its session, to proceed to its 
crowning work, the naming of the candidates to lead the 
new movement. Despite the confident assurances from 
the backers of the contestants, the choice remained excitingly 
uncertain. The organizers of this convention had no cut- 
and-dried program; the only definite " slate' ' had been 
largely broken up at the start. The politicians, to be sure, 
had continued to lay their plans and form new combinations, 
but with the diverse elements and influences at work in such 
a heterogeneous gathering it was still anybody's game. 

Adams' prospects seemed to be constantly improving 
during the first two days. 42 Three of the quadrilateral of 
independent editors were his enthusiastic advocates. 43 Be- 
tween his supporters and those of Trumbull entire harmony 
prevailed, and there was much sentiment for giving Trum- 
bull the second place on the ticket. 44 S.churz's candidate 
of "superior intelligence, coupled with superior virtue" was 

40 Stanwood, Hist, of Presidency y 341-344. 

41 Proceedings, 18. 

42 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 3, 10; Nation, May 9, p. 303; 
Clay, Memoirs, I, 505. 

43 Watterson, 31; Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. 

44 The Maine delegation circulated a card reading: "This ticket to 
win — For president, Charles Francis Adams, for vice-president, Lyman 
Trumbull." Springfield Weekly Republican, May 3. 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 97 

generally understood to be Adams. 45 Colonel Grosvenor, 
who had hitherto been regarded as a supporter of Brown, 
now tried to persuade the Missouri delegation that the most 
available nomination would be that of Adams with their 
" favorite son" for his running mate. 46 

But this support was to prove costly to the Adams cause. 
Brown's friends looked upon the preference of the Missouri 
leaders for an easterner as rank treason. Besides they were 
becoming jealous of Schurz's position of supremacy in the 
convention. 47 Brown and his cousin Senator Blair, thought 
to be a "good manager with considerable influence in 
several of the delegations/' were summoned and arrived on 
Thursday night. 48 It was soon reported that, after con- 
ferences with delegations considered open to some mutual 
arrangement, Brown had agreed to use his influence for 
Greeley in return for the vice-presidency. 49 The Com- 
mercial announced next morning that the alignment of 
candidates was now Adams and Trumbull against Greeley 
and Brown. 50 

Such proved to be the case when the balloting began. 
Adams led off on the first trial, fifty-six votes ahead of 
Greeley. But before the result was announced Brown, who 
had been given ninety-five votes, secured the platform and 
in a brief speech withdrew his name and strongly urged his 
supporters to go for Greeley. 51 The speech was greeted 

45 Nation, May 9, p. 303. 

46 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. 

47 Idem.; Nation, May 9, p. 303. 
« Clay, I, 505. 

49 Nation, May 9, p. 303; White, 382. Bowles wrote to his paper at 
midnight Wednesday that Gratz Brown was to come to the convention 
next day and that it was understood that he would work for somebody 
else's nomination. Springfield Weekly Republican, May 3. 

50 Editorial quoted in N. Y. Tribune, May 4. 

51 Proceedings, 21. The convention had decided to dispense with all 
nominating speeches and merely to call the roll of the states when the 
ballots were taken. 

8 



98 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

with cheers from the Greeley men and requests at once 
came in for a transfer of votes. 52 This move put Greeley 
two votes ahead on the second ballot, but thereafter up to 
the last ballot Adams retained the lead. Brown's " com- 
bination' ' worked but imperfectly as he was not able to 
transfer all of his own delegation to Greeley. Schurz, 
alarmed by Brown's move, left the chair to urge the Mis- 
sourians to support Adams. 53 

The nucleus of Greeley's support was the New York dele- 
gation which, with the exception of from two to six votes, 
kept with him throughout. To this were added the votes 
of New Hampshire, Vermont, most of those of New Jersey, 
half of those from Pennsylvania, a good portion from the 
South, and all from the far West. Adams' support in the 
East, South and Middle West remained steady with an in- 
crease on every ballot. Trumbull never became dangerous, 
and the strength of the others rapidly melted away after 
the first vote. 54 The Illinois delegation, remaining equally 
divided between Trumbull and Davis up to the last ballot, 
really held the balance in the convention. 55 

In the face of Adams' increasing strength, the politicians 
were forced to resort to strategy to snatch a victory from 
the reformers. On the fifth ballot Adams was fifty-one 
votes ahead of his competitor and within thirty-three of the 
nomination. Illinois then retired for consultation and it 
was generally felt that the end was approaching. 56 The 
next ballot showed considerable gains for Greeley 57 and as 

52 Proceedings 21; Nation, May 9, p. 304; N. Y. Tribune, May 4. 

53 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. 

54 See the ballots by states in Proceedings, 22-29; N. Y. Tribune, 
May 4. 

55 Cf. Nation, May 9, p. 304; Koerner, II, 556. 

56 N. Y. Tribune, May 4. 

57 The Illinois delegation returned after the stampede had begun. 
Their vote of twenty-seven for Adams to fourteen for Greeley called 
forth some applause from the Adams side. A few minutes earlier it 
might have saved the day for them, but now it failed to stop the rush 
to Greeley. Nation, May 9, p. 304; Koerner, II, 556. 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 99 

they were announced his managers, evidently thinking that 
the psychological moment had come, instituted one of the 
most remarkable stampedes ever seen in a national con- 
vention. From all parts of the hall changes for Greeley 
were now shouted in such rapid succession that they could 
barely be recorded and through it all a most confusing 
demonstration was kept up by the New York and support- 
ing delegations. 58 An ardent young reformer gave this 
highly picturesque if biased description of the scene: "As 
the voting wore on, Adams strengthened, and by the time 
the fifth ballot was reached Greeley was plainly on the 
decline. Then came the spontaneous rally which had been 
carefully planned the night before. The Hall was filled 
with a mechanical, preordained, stentorious bellowing. 
Hoary-haired, hard-eyed politicians, who had not in twenty 
years felt a noble impulse, mounted their chairs and with 
faces suffused with a seraphic fervor, blistered their throats 
hurraying for the great and good Horace Greeley. The 
noise bred a panic. A furore, artificial at first, became real 
and ended in a stampede/' 59 Amid such confusion enough 
changes were made to give Greeley a majority. After 
that delegations hastened to get on the winning side. 60 
Schurz, in desperation at the turn the proceedings were tak- 
ing, ruled that the roll was defective and that a new call 
must be had. He was quickly shouted down by the New 
York crowd. 61 A motion to make the nomination unan- 
imous was greeted from some quarters with most indignant 

58 N. Y. Tribune, May 4; N. Y. Times, May 4. Just before the 
sixth ballot, Judge Goodrich of Minnesota made a motion that no 
changes should be made in the record until the entire roll call was com- 
pleted, but no vote was taken on it. Proceedings, 28. 

59 Henry D. Lloyd's speech at the Steinway Hall Conference, May 30, 
N. Y. Tribune, May 31. 

60 Proceedings, 29. 

61 Idem.; N. Y. Tribune, May 4. 



100 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

nays and declared lost. 62 Schurz, in his consternation, even 
forgot to make a formal announcement of the result until 
reminded of the omission by the alert General Cochrane. 63 

Brown easily secured on the second ballot the prize he 
had bargained for, after Senator Trumbull and General Cox 
had been withdrawn by their representatives. 64 This 
nomination also failed of unanimous adoption, such a 
motion being withdrawn after indignant protests. 65 The 
failure to comply with this customary formality of national 
conventions shows the complete lack of party feeling among 
the Liberal delegates. 

Various causes, it is evident, contributed to bring about 
these nominations which seemed to mark the complete 
triumph of the politicians over the reformers. The result 
is to be attributed both to the weaknesses of Greeley's 
rivals and to his own peculiar elements of strength in the 
mass convention. Both of his leading rivals had serious 
handicaps. Adams' personality was of a sort to repel many 
westerners; 66 old-time political enemies of himself and his 

62 Proceedings, 29. The N. Y. Tribune report stated (May 4) "that 
when the motion was made the element known as Free Trade and Reve- 
nue Reform manifested a disposition to mar the enthusiasm by dogged 
silence and an indignant and unanimous nay." 

63 Proceedings, 29; N. Y. Tribune, May 4. 

64 Proceedings, 29-30; N. Y. Tribune, May 4; Koerner, II, 556. 

65 N. Y. Tribune, May 4; Proceedings, 32. 

66 Cf. Morehouse, 103. Bowles in his review of the Cincinnati con- 
vention wrote of Adams' position there that the chief objections urged 
against him were the tone of his letter to Wells, the fear that he might 
drive the Irish vote to Grant, and the feeling of westerners that he 
lacked the personal popularity to make a strong appeal. "Others 
recognized the historical capacity of the Adamses to disintergration 
rather than organization, and doubted whether Mr. Adams could 
successfully organize the elements of reform into a permanent power by 
his administration." Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10, 1872. 
Austin Blair in rejoicing over Greeley's nomination declared that Adams 
had no hold upon the laboring classes especially in the West. Dilla, 
Politics of Mich., 137. 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS IOI 

family from the South West were eager to secure his defeat ; 67 
and his opposition to the Free-Soil-Democratic coalition of 
twenty years before now brought him persistent opponents 
from his own state. 68 Trumbull was hampered by a 
divided delegation in his own state, the feeling becoming so 
bitter in the end that, probably out of spite towards the 
Trumbull men, 69 some of the Davis delegates turned to 
Greeley. The managers of these candidates, too, failed to 
unite their forces while there was opportunity. The sup- 
porters of either would have gone for the other in preference 
to Greeley, 70 but the continued support of both for first 
place scattered their forces. There was also no systematic 
effort on the part of Greeley's opponents to secure a more 
desirable compromise candidate, a policy that would have 
readily suggested itself to skilled political managers. 

Greeley, on his side, found one of his best assets in his 
supposed weakness. At this time, as so often in the past, 
many had not taken his candidacy seriously. 71 The independ- 
ent journalists in the convention, having little fear of their 
brother-editor's candidacy but greatly desiring the Tribune's 
support, failed to pronounce against him as they had against 
Davis. 72 Democratic papers which would have strongly 

67 Clay, I, 504; Linn, Greeley, 242. 

68 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. F. W. Bird boasted that 
he had defeated Adams' nomination. Bowles to Sumner, May 18, 
Sumner MSS. Bowles thought that Bird was acting in accordance with 
Sumner's wish in opposing Adams {idem.), but Pierce denies this. 
Pierce, Sumner, IV, 518 n. 

69 Nation, May 9, p. 304. 

70 Watterson's letter to the Courier- Journal, printed in Chicago 
Tribune, May 9; Julian, 339. Wells wrote to Trumbull (May 8) that he 
and Atkinson had been ready to change their votes from Adams to 
Trumbull at any time, but that the opportunity did not come. Trum- 
bull MSS. 

71 Cf. Nation, May 9, pp. 297, 304; Golden Age, May 11; N. Y. World, 
May 4. 

72 Watterson, 31. 



102 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

opposed his nomination, and no doubt with effect, if it 
had appeared imminent at the start, did not give it much 
consideration. 73 In his wide popularity, especially in the 
South 73a and West, 74 the veteran editor had a more posi- 
tive element of strength. 75 But the chief explanation of 
Greeley's success is to be found in the efficient support of 
the politicians. All of the advantage of political scheming 
and intriguing was on his side. The Brown-Blair episode, 
of which so much has been made, was but one of the politi- 
cians' schemes, very blunderingly executed and not at all 
essential to the result. 76 The utter inexperience of many of 
the delegates with the ways of conventions 77 put them at 
the mercy of the " old-timers" who made the most of their 
opportunity. 78 This then is the real explanation — the 
triumph of experienced political intriguers over inexpe- 
rienced over-confident reformers. Greeley in the past had 

73 Leading Democratic papers like the N. Y. World and Washington 
Patriot had confined their discussion before the convention mainly to 
Adams, Trumbull, Davis, and Brown. 

73a See Ross, "Horace Greeley and the South," South Atlantic 
Quarterly, XVI, 324 ff. 

74 Except with the German element. 

75 Cf. Springfield Republican, May 3; White's letter in Chicago 
Tribune, May 4. 

76 Cf. Watterson in Chicago Tribune, May 9. 

77 Bowles wrote that the political experience of the leaders in the New 
York and Pennsylvania delegations "gave them great advantage in 
dealing with the novices and theoretical devotees from other states. 
. . . The venerable Judge Selden from Rochester was almost power- 
less in the presence of so large a number of men more familiar with the 
machinery of parties." Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. 
Edward Atkinson, after failing to get a motion before the convention in 
its proper connection, remarked that "he was not familiar with the 
usages of Conventions." Report of the convention for May 2 in 
N. Y. Tribune, May 3. 

78 Golden Age, May II. It was charged that on the last ballot New 
Yorkers voted in the delegations of other states and unauthorized 
changes for Greeley were made. N. Y. Tribune, May 11 quoting 
Evening Post and giving Cochrane's letter denying the charges. See 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 103 

many times been the victim of the schemes of political 
managers; this time the " inside men" were for him and he 
won. 

The reformers, with characteristic petulence, were very 
free in casting the blame on one another. The free-traders 
blamed the organizers of the convention for permitting 
protectionists to take part in it, 79 while they themselves 
were blamed for not making concessions on that subject in 
a way which would have insured their naming the candi- 
date. 80 Schurz was criticized both for taking too con- 
spicuous a part in the proceedings and for not exerting a 
sufficiently strong influence privately in favor of some 
reform candidate. 81 To the latter criticism he replied that 
though frequently told he might exert a decisive influence 
on the selection of candidates he had spurned to stoop to 

also N. Y. Times, May 7; correspondent in Evening Post, May 10, and 
Washington Patriot, May 4. The N. Y. Times charged (May 7) that 
Fenton had been working for Greeley all along, and that his support of 
Davis was only a blind. Bowles, however, held that Fenton had noth- 
ing to do with Greeley's nomination though he was at the bottom of the 
Davis movement. See his letter to the Cincinnati Commercial, May 4, 
quoted in N. Y. Tribune, May 6. Bowles wrote to Dawes (May 21): 
"Yes, Fenton was for Greeley in his way. But his way would have 
killed him. It was not the men of the Fenton stamp who nominated 
Greeley at all. . . . Fenton is neither a political idiot nor a political 
buccaneer, and Greeley was nominated by a combination of these two. 
The Theodore Tiltons and Frank Blairs, and not the Reuben E. Fen- 
tons, did the business." Merriam, Bowles, II, 212. The Evening Post 
said (Oct. 4) that most of the delegates were "as innocent as sucklings 
of any political manoeuvres," and that the politicians had captured 
them "like a bevy of quails under a net." 

79 Judge Hoadly's speech, N. Y. Times, Aug. 24; Brinkerhoff, 217. 

80 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. 

81 Nation, May 9, p. 303, Nov. 23, p. 328. Bowles wrote from the 
convention, May 1, that Schurz's open advocacy of Adams, Trumbull, 
or Cox "would insure immediate success." Springfield Weekly Re- 
publican, May 3. Joseph Pulitzer told Halstead years afterward that a 
word from Schurz would have routed Blair and Brown. Watterson, 39. 



104 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

the role of president-maker, 82 and as a foreign-born citizen 
hestitated to take too prominent a part in such matters. 83 
Schurz, on his side, could take to task effectively the sort of 
reformer who, while speaking and writing for reforms and 
criticizing the failure of others to secure them, still would not 
give himself the trouble to attend a convention called in 
hope of bringing them about. 84 However, neither re- 
proaches nor excuses could alter the fact: the national 
Liberal convention had fallen into the snare of the fowler. 85 

The Reunion, and Reform convention, with about two 
hundred delegates from eleven states, was called to order by 
Judge Stallo of Cincinnati on May 2 and formed a per- 
manent organization with Judge Ranney as president. 86 
It had been generally understood that this convention would 
endorse the Liberal convention's work if satisfactory. 
Some of the promoters had expected an invitation to unite 
with the main convention. 87 The president's address 
denounced both of the old parties impartially and advo- 
cated a union of all reform elements regardless of past 
differences. 88 Resolutions presented in favor of Adams 
and of Trumbull were referred to the committee. 89 The 

82 Schurz to Bowles, May 11, Schurz' s Writings, II, 369. 

83 Schurz to Godkin, Nov. 23, ibid., 446 f. 

84 Speech at Fifth Avenue Convention, June 20, N. Y. Tribune, June 
21. 

85 The Liberals before adjournment appointed a national committee 
which organized with Ethan Allen of New York, one of Greeley's chief 
supporters in the convention, as chairman, and Daniel R. Goodloe of 
North Carolina as secretary. N. Y. Tribune, May 6. Senator Fenton 
was later chosen chairman of the Liberal congressional campaign com- 
mittee. Ibid., June 10. 

86 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, May 3. 

87 Wisconsin Weekly State Journal, Apr. 16; Judge Collins' inter- 
view in N. Y. Herald, Apr. 28. 

88 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, May 3. 

89 Idem. The resolution in favor of Trumbull (with a Southerner for 
vice-president) purported to be from "French speaking citizens repre- 
senting twenty- two states, and 300,000 voters." 



REFORMERS VERSUS POLITICIANS 105 

platform was essentially the same as that of the Liberals, 
with the important exception of a declaration for a tariff for 
revenue only. 90 Greeley's nomination came as a most un- 
welcome surprise to this gathering. Stallo denounced it as 
the result of treachery, declaring that the leaders of the 
Liberal convention lacked courage and honesty. He had 
hoped, he said, for harmonious action between the two 
conventions. 91 The convention was undecided how to act 
and after empowering its executive committee to call 
another national convention, at a time and place to be 
determined by them, it adjourned sine die. 92 The further 
action of this group, as that of the other reformers, was 
uncertain. 

90 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, May 7. 

91 Idem. Stallo told a reporter before the convention that the western 
Germans desired Adams' nomination. In case Greeley was nominated 
or overrode the convention on the tariff issue Stallo wished to be counted 
out. N. Y. Herald, Apr. 28. 

92 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, May 7. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE 

Greeley's nomination at Cincinnati presented a serious 
and unexpected problem alike to the reformers and to the 
Democrats. It will be the purpose of this chapter to ex- 
plain the policy of the reformers both, prior to the meeting 
of the other national conventions, and during the campaign. 
The Cincinnati nominations were a hard blow to the re- 
formers in the Liberal movement, but, aside from the more 
extreme free-traders, they endeavored to make the best of 
their embarrassing situation. The journalistic "quadri- 
lateral" quickly came to the conclusion that they had gone 
too far in promoting the convention to back out when it 
named candidates whom they had not openly opposed. 1 
They tried to assume a confident attitude in presenting the 
results of the convention to their readers. Watterson ex- 
pressed the opinion that "Mr. Greeley has as many ele- 
ments of strength within himself — as many of what the 
candidates call ' running qualities' — as any candidate who 
ever asked the suffrage of the American people." 2 Horace 
White wrote to his paper that "The opinion of the best 
judges this evening is that the ticket will sweep the country." 3 
Bowles wired his assistants on the Republican to support 
the nominations but "not to gush." 4 Later, after reviewing 
the work of the convention and balancing the strong and 
the weak points of the ticket in a temperate, judicious 

1 Cf. White, Trumbull, 384; Merriam, Bowles, II, 187. 

2 Watterson's letter to the Courier- Journal, quoted in Chicago Trib- 
une, May 9. 

3 Chicago Tribune, May 4. The Tribune's editorial next day on "The 
Political Outlook" asserted, "That Horace Greeley will be elected is 
beyond all doubt." 

4 Merriam, II, 187. 

106 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE 107 

editorial, he frankly stated his disappointment at certain 
aspects of the situation, but concluded that while Greeley 
might be beaten, it would "not be an easy job." 5 Halstead 
made no secret of his disappointment at the defeat of the 
Adams-Trumbull ticket and at first gave the nominations 
only a qualified support, but he carefully indicated the 
strong points of the Liberal candidates and was soon cham- 
pioning them with characteristic enthusiasm. 6 1 

Other prominent independents promptly accepted the 
ticket. Senator Trumbull at once sent his congratulations. 7 
Governor Palmer promised Greeley 75,000 Republican 
votes in Illinois. 8 Judge Chase wrote to his old anti- 
slavery friend: "The country has recognized emphatically 
your worthiness and ability and public services, and I am 
personally gratified that the choice of the Convention fell 
upon one to whom I am in such thorough agreement upon 
the great questions of amnesty and currency." 9 F. W. Bird 
indignantly repudiated the insinuation that Greeley's nomi- 
nation had been secured by improper means. 10 

Schurz, the great Liberal organizer, withheld his final de- 
cision for some time. The outcome of the convention on 
which he had placed such high hopes of political regenera- 
tion filled him with sorrow and indignation. " I cannot yet 
think," he wrote a week later, "of the results of the Cincin- 
nati Convention without a pang." 11 His disappointment 

5 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. See for similar expres- 
sions of confidence in private correspondence, Bowles to Schurz, May 8, 
Schurz 1 s Writings, II, 368; Bowles to Allen, May 11, Merriam, II, 210 f. 

*See editorials of Cincinnati Commercial, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, 
May 6, 7, 8, 11. 

7 N. Y. Tribune, May 4, 7; Greeley to Trumbull, May 3, Trumbull 
MSS. See also Trumbull's friendly letter of advice, May 20, ibid., 
and Trumbull to Bryant, May 10, White, 386 f . 

* Schurz' s Writings, II, 366. 

•Letter of May 4 in N. Y. Tribune, May 7. 

10 Boston Commonwealth, June 1. See also his letter to Sumner, 
May 7. Sumner MSS. 

u Schurz to Bowles, May 11. Schurz 1 s Writings, II, 369. 



108 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

and misgivings were reflected in his correspondence with the 
Liberal candidate in which the Senator's tone of superiority 
in condemning the politicians was matched by the editor's 
outspokenness in criticizing the reformers. Schurz, while 
professing the fullest confidence in Greeley's personal 
honesty, denounced the ''huckstering" in the convention 
by the il politicians of the old stamp." The " appearance of 
political trickery," he was convinced, "could not fail to 
shake the whole moral basis of the movement." 12 The 
great mass of the Germans, who had formed such a strong 
element among the Liberals, were entirely alienated and he 
doubted if even he could rally them again. 13 As to his 
own course, he was undecided. If the old moral force 
could be restored to the movement he would stop at no 
difficulties, but he doubted whether " those elements which 
in a moral sense formed the backbone of the movement" 
could be " brought into the foreground again so as to 
inspire confidence." 14 Greeley, in reply, spitefully de- 
nounced as "not Republicans, but frauds" the 'Revenue 
Reformers,' whom he desired Schurz to speak of in future 
as free-traders, since the other term was a "juggle." He 
expressed full confidence in his own success and advised 
Schurz not to be over hasty in his action. "I am con- 
fident," he wrote, "that the 'sober second thought' will 
bring us all into proper relations." 15 

12 Schurz to Greeley, May 6. Ibid., 363. 

13 Ibid., 364-366. See also Schurz's letter of May 11, ibid., 371 f. 

14 Ibid., 366-368. 

15 Greeley to Schurz, May 8, Bancroft- Dunning, Schurz's Political 
Career, 350 f. In a letter, two days later, Greeley acknowledged his 
appreciation of Schurz's "position and services" and credited him with 
an intention "to do the right," though his "judgment on important 
points" differed from Greeley's. Schurz's Writings, II, 370 n. Some 
weeks later, White got Greeley to admit that he had been wrong in the 
tone which he had assumed toward Schurz, and to authorize a state- 
ment (in the Tribune) that he could not answer any more political 
letters. White to Schurz, June 9, ibid., 382. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE 109 

The free-traders, East and West, were generally dis- 
affected. The Nation 1 * and the Evening Post 11 with their 
strong free- trade and civil service convictions, found Greeiey 
an utter impossibility. The opposition of these papers 
was stimulated by the hostility of the editors toward the 
Liberal candidate. Godkin had long regarded Greeley 
with deep contempt, 18 and Bryant and Godwin held him 
in detestation. 19 The German leaders and papers, as 
Schurz had informed Greeley, were almost unanimously 
estranged. 20 Among the Ohio independents there was 
great dissatisfaction. After the adjournment of the con- 
vention the state's delegation, with some others, met at their 
Cincinnati headquarters, where the " bargain and sale" of 
the politicians was bitterly denounced by original Liberals 
like Judge Hoadly. Two or three members, including 
General Brinkerhoff, openly repudiated the ticket and re- 
signed from the state executive committee. Others, like 
Judge Spaulding, of Cleveland, would support the ticket as 

16 May 9, pp. 297, 300. 

17 May 7. 

18 Ogden, Godkin, I, 254-257, 292; II, 62. For Godkin's disgust at 
Greeley's nomination, see Godkin to Schurz, May 19, Schurz 1 s Writings, 
II, 376. 

19 Ogden, Godkin, I, 167 f.; Bryant to Trumbull, May 8, White, 386) 
Godwin to Schurz, May 28, ibid., 392. 

20 Schurz wrote Greeley: "To the best of my information, my paper 
is to-day (May 6) the only German journal in the country that has come 
out for the ticket." He had received "piles of German papers which 
all sing the same song." Schurz 1 s Writings, II, 365. The quotations 
in the N. Y. Tribune (May 7-1 1) show the hostility of the leading 
German papers. On May 10 Schurz's Westliche Post was able to print 
favorable comments on the ticket from about twenty western German 
papers and a letter of endorsement from Gustave Koerner of Illinois. 
See N. Y. Tribune editorial, May 11. See also list in N. F. Tribune, 
May 21. 



IIO THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

a choice of evils, and a few warmly defended the Liberal 
candidates. 21 

The prestige of the Liberal ticket was further weakened 
by the outcome of the senatorial election in Connecticut,, 
where the Democrats and Liberal Republicans combined 
to reelect Senator Ferry over General Hawley, the choice of 
the Republican legislative caucus. 22 Liberal and pro- 
Greeley Democratic papers, counting on Ferry's adhesion r 
hailed his election as a good omen for a triumphant coali- 
tion. 23 But soon after, when Senator Ferry declared his 
unswerving loyalty to the Republican party and ridiculed 
the Greeley movement as a "mere mid-summer madness/*** 
the Republican press used the incident to disparage the pro- 
jected opposition. 25 

Immediately following their defeat at Cincinnati, both in 
platform and candidates, the reformers, with characteristic 
confidence in their power to inaugurate an effective political 
movement off-hand, were planning to put in the field a new 
ticket that should truly represent their ideas and their 
standards of statesmanship. The Reunion and Reform con- 
vention, as already noted, had provided for a national nom- 
inating convention of its own, and this action was approved 
by leading western Liberals who hoped that the Democrats 

21 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette , May 7; N. Y. Tribune , May & 
Judge Hoadly and General Brinkerhoff wrote cards next day (printed 
in the Cincinnati Commercial), expressing the hope that a suitable candi- 
date might be secured from one of the other conventions, especially 
that contemplated by the Reunion and Reform Association. N. Y. 
Tribune, May 6. 

22 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 222; Nation, May 16, 23, pp. 313, 33a. 

23 N. Y. Tribune, May 15, 16; Chicago Tribune, May 16; Milwaukee 
News, May 10; Mo. Republican, May 16, 22. 

24 N. Y. Times, May 24; editorial in N. Y. Tribune, May 25; Schurz 
to Greeley, May 18, Schurz's Writings, II, 374. 

25 Editorial in N. Y. Times, May 24. See also editorial in N. Y. 
World, May 27. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE III 

would endorse the ticket thus to be presented. 26 Schurz 
thought that the bulk of the Germans would " probably 
flock to the Reunion and Reform Associations." 27 In 
view of the increasing probability of a second Liberal ticket 
with a candidate more likely to appeal to the Democratic 
convention, Schurz hinted strongly to Greeley that it would 
be the part of wisdom for the latter to withdraw from the 
field. 28 But the practical-minded Tribune chief did not 
intend to surrender the long-desired prize at the whim 
of visionary reformers. The outlook all over the country, 
he replied with some heat, was favorable. The Democratic 
convention was "far more likely to adopt and ratify the 
Cincinnati ticket" than Schurz was "to support it heartily," 
and he was determined to "accept unconditionally." 29 
So much dissatisfaction with the candidate, in a "party" 
without traditions or organization, made inevitable the con- 
sideration of another nomination. The first definite move 
in this direction came not from the middle western reform 
associations but from the members of the Free-Trade 
League in the East, acting evidently upon the suggestion 
of the Evening Post that the selections this time should not 
run the risk of the "dangerous machinery of a convention," 
but be left instead to an assembly of "notables." 30 Late 
in May, a circular was issued "in behalf of the American 
Free-Trade League, and friends of a Revenue Tariff who have 
associated or cooperated with it." They deemed it their 
duty "to protest in the most emphatic manner against the 
betrayal of the Cause of Reform by the recent Convention 
at Cincinnati." By the packing of the convention with 

26 Letters of Hoadly and Brinkerhoff to Cincinnati Commercial, 
quoted in N. Y. Tribune, May 6; Cincinnati Courier and Cincinnati 
Volksfreund, quoted in ibid., May 8, 9. 

27 Schurz to Greeley, May 6. Schurz 1 s Writings, II, 366. 

28 Schurz to Greeley, May 18, ibid., 373-376. 

29 Greeley to Schurz, May 20, ibid., 377. 

30 Schurz to Godkin, May 20, ibid., 378. 



112 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

those unfriendly to tariff reform — who had no right to be 
represented there — protection had triumphed, ''and by the 
nomination of Horace Greeley on this platform they made 
the abandonment of principle too conspicuous to be mis- 
taken. " Free-traders were, therefore, absolved from any 
further support of the movement. But, although the cause 
of reform had been betrayed in the convention, there was 
still hope of accomplishing much by the election of tariff 
reformers to Congress. Accordingly, all similarly minded 
were exhorted to make tariff reform the chief issue, and to 
organize clubs for that end in every county, and thus de- 
feat the politicians. To give a public expression to these 
views, a call was appended for a meeting at Steinway Hall 
on May 30, to be presided over by Bryant and addressed 
by such reformers as Wells and Atkinson. 31 

The Ohio reformers responded in a letter (dated May 27) 
expressing most hearty agreement with the step taken by the 
League, and urged that it be followed up by prompt and 
emphatic action to oppose the election of either Grant or 
Greeley. They suggested that the forthcoming meeting 
either nominate new candidates itself or call another meet- 
ing, to be held not later than June 27, for that purpose. 
The signers, headed by Cox, Hoadly, and Stallo, pledged 
themselves to support any candidate who would represent 
truly the Reunion and Reform platform. 32 The Tribune 
complained that the Ohioans had put an interpretation 
upon the meeting which had not yet been given it by its 
originators. 33 

The Steinway Hall meeting was well attended, whether 
from mere curiosity, as the Tribune unkindly suggested, 
or from more serious motives. The free- trade leaders from 

31 N. Y. Tribune, May 27. The circular was signed by Bryant, 
Sands, Minturn, Lloyd, Sterne and other prominent members of the 
League. 

32 Ibid., May 30. This letter was read at the Steinway Hall meeting. 

33 Idem. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE II3 

the City and New England did all the talking. 34 Bryant 
presided, and speeches were made by Professor Perry, of 
Williams College, Wells, Atkinson, Simon Sterne 35 and 
Lloyd. Both Adams and Greeley were applauded when their 
names were mentioned 36 but the sentiment of the partici- 
pants was uncompromisingly hostile to the Cincinnati 
convention and all its works. Wells was the only speaker 
who did not openly declare his intention to bolt, and he 
said that he had "been in the woods" ever since the conven- 
tion. The others denounced in strong and picturesque 
rhetoric the trickery of the politicians, and, rejecting both 
Grant and Greeley, held that the free-traders should seek a 
standard-bearer of their own. Atkinson suggested as 
a suitable candidate C. F. Adams of Massachusetts, Groes- 
beck or Cox of Ohio, and, probably out of courtesy to 
the venerable chairman, Bryant of New York. 37 Before 
adjourning the meeting adopted resolutions denouncing 
the work of the Cincinnati conventionale dging themselves 
to continue the reform agitation, and empowering the chair- 
man to appoint a committee to aid if possible in securing the 
nomination of acceptable reform candidates. 38 Such a 
committee composed of some of the most active free- 

34 Prominent representatives from both parties, like John A. Dix, 
Charles O'Conor, and John N. Griswold, were on the list of vice-presi- 
dents but none of them were present. N. Y. Times, May 31. 

35 Sterne claimed that he was the only regular Democrat taking part 
in the meeting. 

36 The Tribune's account of the meeting (May 31) made much of 
the demonstration for its candidate, but the Evening Post (June 4) 
claimed that Greeley claqueurs of a not very respectable sort were 
scattered through the audience, but that the real enthusiasm was for 
Adams. Atkinson wrote to Sumner (June 1) that the marked feature 
of the meeting was the enthusiasm shown for Adams at every mention 
of his name. Sumner MSS. 

37 Bryant considered it necessary to issue a card (July 8) stating that 
the mention of his name as a presidential candidate was "absurd." 
Godwin, Bryant, II, 323 f. 

38 N. Y. Tribune, May 31; Evening Post, May 31, June 4. 

9 



114 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

traders of the City was at once named. 39 But definite 
action looking to a new ticket was delayed until the assur- 
ance of Grant's unanimous renomination by the Republi- 
cans removed the last hope of a more acceptable candidate 
from that party. 

Though the regular Republicans ridiculed and belittled 
the Liberal defection, 40 there was much anxiety in admin- 
istration circles as to the course of politics, preceding and 
after the Cincinnati convention. No efforts, financial, 
managerial, or oratorical were spared to elect the party 
ticket in the "Spring States. " 41 As a counterstroke to the 
Liberal meeting in Cooper Institute, 42 Grant's supporters 
in the City, acting with his approval and assistance, 43 
had taken the unprecedented step of calling a mass meeting, 
April 17, to endorse the administration. General Sickles 
appeared as the chief apologist, and letters of endorsement 
from Republican congressional delegations were presented. 44 
In April when C. F. Adams was being discussed as the 
probable Liberal candidate, he was offered, through Senator 
Conkling, the Republican nomination for vice-president. 45 
"Everything political, English and American,' ' wrote 
Mrs. Blaine to her son on May 1, "seems to be in a sort of 

39 J. J. Cisco was chairman, Sands, Minturn, Pell and Lloyd were 
among the members. N. Y. Tribune, May 31. 

40 See typical editorials in the Boston Advertiser, Jan. 30, Apr. 1 and 
Blaine's reassuring letter to his son, Mar. 6, Hamilton, Blaine 298. 
Grant predicted in a letter to Washburne, May 26, that the Liberal 
ticket would not be kept in the field. He thought that Greeley's nomi- 
nation had "apparently harmonized the [Republican] party by getting 
out of it the 'soreheads' and knaves who made all the trouble because 
they could not control." Grant, Letters to a Friend, 69. 

41 Lyford, Rollins, 266-270; Oberholtzer, Cooke, II, 352. 

42 See above, p. 59 f. 

43 Porter to Clews, Apr. 17, 19, Clews, Twenty Eight Years in Wall 
Street, 319 f. 

44 N. Y. Times, Apr. 18; N. 7. Tribune, Apr. 18; Nation, Apr. 25, 
p. 265. 

46 Adams, Adams, 392. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE II5 

snarl. Things, I believe, will all come out right. Your 
father was so impressed with the fatal influence which any 
concession on the part of Mr. Fish would have on our po- 
litical situation, that he went in to talk over matters with 
him Sunday evening. Was there till a very late hour." 46 
And again, a fortnight later, she wrote : "And just now people 
are constantly coming to him [Speaker Blaine] to talk on 
the presidential question. What can be done with the 
situation, occupies all heads, and some few good people put 
their hearts over the bars/' 47 Some of Sumner's Republi- 
can friends besought him, before and after the Liberal con- 
vention, not to abandon the party. 48 But, in spite of all 
fears for the outcome, there was no serious movement within 
the party to put up a new candidate. With the advantage 
of his position, as before noted, 49 Grant's renomination was 
inevitable 50 and after the Liberal convention probably 
none of the leading opponents of the administration, ex- 
cept Sumner, expected a different result. 

Up to the time of the assembling of the Republican con- 
vention, Sumner's course in the campaign had remained in 
doubt. He was known to be friendly to the Liberal move- 
ment, and it was reported in March that he was to preside 
over its convention. 51 In an interview he spoke highly of 
the aims and personnel of the approaching gathering, 52 and 
even went so far, in private, as to draft resolutions for its 

46 Hamilton, Blaine, 300. 

47 Mrs. Blaine's Letters, I, 126. 

48 Bowen to Sumner, Feb., Sumner MSS.; Wilson to Sumner, Mar. 
17, ibid, (regretting the ''terrible fact" that they are to take different 
sides in the campaign); Forney to Sumner, May 13, ibid. Other ap- 
peals of this sort mentioned in Pierce, Sumner, IV, 520. 

49 See above, p. 40. 

50 See editorial in the Boston Advertiser, Mar. 29, on the general lack 
of opposition to the selection of Grant delegates. 

51 Chicago Tribune, Mar. 16; Nation, Mar. 21, p. 177. 
62 Chicago Tribune, Mar. 23. 



Il6 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

platform. 53 But the most urgent entreaties from close 
personal friends who were going into the movement failed 
to bring him out openly for the Liberal cause. 54 After the 
convention, he pointed out Greeley's strong qualities but 
otherwise remained non-committal. 55 He seems still to 
have had a fatuous hope of defeating Grant's renomination. 56 
In a speech in the Senate on May 31, just before the Re- 
publican convention, while some of the delegates thereto were 
in the galleries, he made a last desperate effort to overthrow 
the President by a rhetorical onslaught. This ''philippic 
of the classic type" was a passionate arraignment of Grant 
on well-nigh all the charges of public and private misdoings 
that had ever been brought against him. A wide range of 
history, not to mention the Bible, Virgil, Juvenal, and 
Shakespeare, was traversed to illustrate and substantiate 
his case, and Stanton's dying condemnation of the General 
was dramatically invoked. 57 The speech was answered three 

53 Those concerning equality before the law and the finality of the 
war amendments. The resolutions were brought to the convention by 
F. W. Bird. Pierce, IV, 519. Liberal leaders hoped to win Sumner by 
an emphatic pronouncement on these matters. Wells to Trumbull, 
Apr. 22, Trumbull MSS.; Wells to Sumner, Apr. 14, Sumner MSS.; 
Atkinson to Sumner, Apr. 1 1 , ibid. Sumner evidently wrote a letter in 
March to a radical friend in Louisiana to influence Republicans of that 
state to go for the Liberals. Greeley obtained this letter and desired 
to make it public. T. W. Conway to Sumner, Apr. 2, Sumner MSS. 

54 See letters to Sumner from the following in the Sumner MSS. : 
Bowles, Mar. 9, 30, Apr. 14; Scovel, Mar. 22; Reid, Mar. 28; Wilkes, 
Apr. 5; Barney, Apr. 6; Robinson, Apr. 9; Bird, Apr. 11; White, 
Apr. 13; Atkinson, Apr. 8, 11, 13; Wells, Apr. 14. See summary of 
these letters in Pierce, IV, 516. 

55 Pierce, IV, 519. 

66 Ibid., 515, 519. A telegram, dated May 22, from Arkansas Re- 
publicans asking if the report was true that Sumner had come out for 
Greeley, is endorsed on the back in Sumner's handwriting and was 
evidently his reply: "I wait action of Philadelphia Convention hoping 
for nominati (sic) that will unite Republican party which Grant 
cannot, Charles Sumner." Sumner MSS. 

87 Sumner's Works, XV, 83-171; Pierce, IV, 523-526; Cong. Globe, 
42 Cong., 2 Sess., 41 10 ff; Nation, June 6, p. 366. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE 117 

days later, in language equally vigorous and personal, if less 
classical, by such able advocates as Logan and Carpenter, 
who fully reassured the friends of the administration. 58 
Sumner's " philippic" was generally looked upon as a spe- 
cial plea against Grant's renomination by a man nursing a 
personal grievance, 59 and while it furnished abundant cam- 
paign material of a sort it was utterly futile at so late a day 
against the solid administration ranks at Philadelphia. 60 

The convention there being wholly controlled by the 
" machine", 61 a unanimous and enthusiastic support of 
the President was abundantly manifested. In the open- 
ing session eulogistic speeches of the good campaign sort 
were made by Logan, Gerrit Smith, Morton, Oglesby, 
and others who all took for granted General Grant's unan- 
imous renomination. 62 The nomination itself was staged 
with all the proper effects. 63 The substitution of Senator 
Henry Wilson for Colfax, after a considerable contest, 
was made at the wish of the President. 64 Colfax had been 

58 Cong. Globe, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., Appendix, 522-530, 548-563; Flower, 
Carpenter, 395-40 1 . 

59 Cf. Storey, Sumner, 415; N. Y. Herald, June 3; Milwaukee Weekly 
Sentinel, June n; Curtis to Sumner, June 5, Sumner MSS.; Robinson 
to Sumner, June 24, Robinson, " Warrington," 354 f.; Lippincotts Mag- 
azine, Sept., pp. 352-355. Curtis wrote Norton (June 30) that the 
speech was "unpardonable." Cary, Curtis, 230. 

60 The Springfield Republican (weekly, June 21) said that Sumner had 
made a serious mistake in not making his speech before the Cincinnati 
convention. See to the same effect, Atlantic Monthly, Aug., pp. 253 f.; 
Nation, June 13, p. 381; Pierce, IV, 527. 

61 The Nation's correspondent wrote that the convention's work was 
"so thoroughly cut and dried that it was impossible to be in any way 
excited over its progress to completion." Nation, June 13, p. 388. 

62 Proceedings of the Phila. Con., 10 ff. 

63 Cullom, Recollections, 174. The Nation (June 13, p. 381) said that 
the nomination was made "with much elaborate 'enthusiasm.' " 

64 White, 393; Austen, Tyler, 74. Bowles wrote to Colfax, Apr. 5: 
"I find a growing conviction that the people who are running the 'ma- 
chine' mean to slaughter you at Philadelphia." Hollister, Colfax, 371. 



Il8 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

opposed by Cameron and had aroused the enmity of Wash- 
ington newspaper men, 65 while the nomination of the pop- 
ular Massachusetts leader was considered an appropriate 
offset in his state to Sumner's defection and a good bid for 
the labor vote. 66 From the standpoint of the good of the 
party organization, 67 as well as from that of personal fit- 
ness, as it later proved, 68 the change was wise. Colfax 
apparently took his defeat in good part. 69 The organiza- 
tion, relieved of the disturbing independents, was well 
united for the campaign. Bowles, with his usual fairness, 
wrote from the convention : " The republican national con- 
vention is claimed by its friends and conceded by its foes, 
to have proved a great success. Its close to-day was on the 
whole as brilliant as its opening yesterday/' 70 And the 
Republican in its editorial comment admitted that "At 
present the omens are certainly with Philadelphia." 71 

The renomination of Grant on a platform clearly endors- 
ing protection, 72 afforded the tariff reformers no comfort. 73 
If they were to have a ticket to their liking they must act 
at once. Some of the more zealous and less reasonable 
among them had still hoped for a new ticket after the 
Steinway Hall conference. 74 But the more practical mem- 
bers of the elite, like Schurz, Bowles, and White, had now 

65 Hollister, 373; Nation, June 13, p. 387. 

66 Hollister, 373; Nation, June 13, p. 381. 

67 Cf. Nation, June 13, p. 381; "Warrington's" letter in Springfield 
Weekly Republican, June 21. 

68 Cf. Cullom, 175. 

69 Hollister, 375. 

70 Springfield Weekly Republican, June 14. 

71 Idem. 

72 Stan wood, Hist, of the Presidency, 347. 

73 Cf. editorial in Springfield Weekly Republican, June 14. 

74 See, for instance, Atkinson to Sumner, June 1, Sumner MSS. 
Wells wrote to Trumbull (June 15) that the coming conference might 
have an "important influence" though he did not explain in just what 
way. Trumbull MSS. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE II9 

come to the conclusion that the nomination by the free- 
traders of a new candidate like Adams would simply split 
up the opposition. They favored Greeley's election in 
preference to Grant's, and realized that the only hope of 
such an outcome was in the union of all of the opposition. 
This they knew would be impossible so long as there was 
any chance of a new ticket; and the best plan seemed to be 
the calling of a conference in which all elements of the op- 
position should be represented to ascertain the relative 
strength of the Greeley and the anti-Greeley forces. By 
this means, they thought, some of the extreme free-traders 
even might be led to support Greeley as the only avail- 
able opposition candidate. 75 Schurz, having received as- 
surances of Greeley's good intentions and of his deep re- 
spect for the great Liberal mentor, 76 was gradually adapting 
himself to the idea of supporting the leader whom fate and 
the politicians had given the cause at Cincinnati. 77 Now 
he wanted, instead of his " assembly of notables," this all- 
opposition conference of Democrats and Greeley Liberals 
as well as of pronounced reformers. 78 

The invitations were to be issued by the leading free- 
traders in pursuance of the action of the Steinway Hall 
meeting. 79 On June 6, the day of Grant's renomination, 
letters were sent out from New York City, signed by 
Schurz, Cox, Bryant, Ottendorfer, and Jacob Brinkerhoff, to 

75 Schurz to Grosvenor, June 5, Schurz' s Writings , II, 379-381; 
White to Trumbull, June 13, Trumbull MSS. 

76 White to Schurz, June 9, 15, Schurz' s Writings, II, 382 f. 

77 In his letter to Greeley of May 1 1 he was giving advice about the 
letter of acceptance. Ibid. ,37 r 2. In his letter of June 5 to Grosvenor he 
said that if he tried to accept the ticket then "the words would stick in 
my throat." But he would do his best "when the issues are finally 
made up." Ibid., 381. 

78 Nation editorial, June 27, p. 416. See also Governor Randolph's 
speech in the New Jersey Democratic state convention on the origin of 
the Fifth Avenue gathering. N. Y. Tribune, June 27. 

79 Nation, June 13, p. 381; see above, p. 113. 



120 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

about two hundred Liberals and Democrats in all parts of 
the country, inviting them to meet in conference at the 
Fifth Avenue Hotel on June 20 "for the purpose of con- 
sultation, and to take such action as the situation of things 
may require." The committee professed to deem it neces- 
sary that all the elements of opposition be united for a 
common effort in the presidential election. 80 Youthful 
members of the Free Trade League, especially the Lloyd 
brothers, were most active in making the arrangements. 81 
Nevertheless the New York Tribune, assuming that the 
aim of the conference would be to consider the best means 
of uniting the opposition, and that it could reach but one 
conclusion — the necessity of supporting Greeley to defeat 
Grant — showed an entirely friendly attitude. 82 

About one hundred persons from twenty states attended 
the Fifth Avenue meeting. 83 The Tribune analyzed the 
gathering as thirty Greeley men, fifteen "violent anti- 
Greeley men" and the rest "open to conviction." 84 The 
leading independents from New England, New York, and 
the Middle West were all on hand. 85 Among the prom- 
inent Democrats in attendance were ex-Governor Pills- 
bury of Maine, ex-Governor English of Connecticut, ex- 
Governor Randolph and Senator Stockton of New Jersey, 
ex-Secretary Stuart of Virginia, ex-Governor Graham of 

80 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 779. Copies of this letter are in both 
the Sumner and the Trumbull MSS. The notice was given a con- 
spicuous place in the New York dailies. 

81 Lloyd, Lloyd, 1,33,37- 

82 N. Y. Tribune editorials, June 15, 18, 20; Reid's comment on Wat- 
terson's article in Century Magazine, LXXXV, 44. 

83 N. Y. Tribune, June 21. Seven southern states were represented. 
M Ibid., June 22. 

85 The Tribune claimed (June 22) that a large number of young men 
from the City were brought in to applaud the speakers of the Free Trade 
League. Cox was chairman, Bryant vice-president and H. D. Lloyd 
secretary. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE 121 

North Carolina, B. H. Hill and H. W. Hillard of Georgia. 86 
Probably the most pronounced Greeley men present were 
William Dorsheimer of New York and J. B. Grinnell of 
Iowa. 87 Senator Fenton was stopping at the hotel and his 
rooms were filled with politicians to whom reports were 
brought from time to time of what was going forward in the 
convention, although the proceedings were supposed to be 
entirely secret. 88 

It was soon apparent that the conferees were overwhelm- 
ingly opposed to the launching of a new ticket. Senator 
Trumbull opened the formal discussion with a strong plea 
for a union on Greeley as the only hopeful means of de- 
feating Grant. 89 To get more directly the sentiment of the 
different sections represented, the states were called upon in 
alphabetical order. The responses indicated clearly the 
general situation: the southern Liberals and Democrats 
were solidly and enthusiastically for Greeley ; the promoters 
of the Liberal movement in the Middle West, with the ex- 
ception of certain prominent German leaders and ultra- 
free-traders, would support the Cincinnati ticket; of the 
eastern representatives, all but one or two Democrats and 
all of the Liberals not connected with the League advocated 
union under the Greeley banner. But the pronounced 
free-traders of New England, New York, and Ohio were as 
hostile as ever to the proposed mis-alliance. 90 

Schurz made the last and most notable speech of the con- 
ference. He showed conclusively that it was now too late 
to think of a more acceptable ticket. Such a ticket would 
not be endorsed by the Democratic convention, and their 
only hope of defeating Grant was in uniting on the candi- 

86 See list in ibid., June 21. 

87 The Tribune said (June 18) that so far as it knew none of the " prom- 
nent friends" of Greeley had been invited. 

88 Ibid., June 22. 

89 Ibid., June 21; White, 391. 

90 N. Y. Tribune, June 21, 22) Evening Post, June 25. 



122 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

dates that they had in the field. Personally, he con- 
fessed frankly, he would have favored a "more conserva- 
tive ticket, " but he "felt at this time with such public 
interests at stake, men must seek, not personal ideas, but 
practical good, and the nearest practical good they could 
accomplish." The foremost of the "public considerations" 
which determined his course at this time, he said, was the 
situation at the South. The people of that section were 
manifesting a desire for a thorough reconciliation through 
this movement. They felt that the Liberal movement 
meant for them enfranchisement and freedom from further 
oppressions. Under no circumstances could he take a 
step which would aid in continuing the present oppressive 
administration and in repelling the sincere advance toward 
a reconciliation of the sections. 91 To his reform friends, 
who were inclined to carp at him for supporting a man like 
Greeley, he gave the same explanation of his course — the 
exigencies of the South. 92 He was entirely correct in hold- 
ing that the only hope of defeating the Republicans and 
of hastening full home rule at the South was in uniting the 
opposition solidly upon the Liberal ticket. No one was 
more disappointed at the outcome of the Cincinnati con- 
vention, but, with his convictions regarding the tendencies 
of the present administration, his most honorable course 
was to play the game to the finish. At any rate, it was not 
for the visionary, inefficient doctrinaries to upbraid him for 

91 Summary of speech in N. Y. Tribune, June 21. For a critical and 
not altogether fair review of it, see Nation, June 27, pp. 413, 416. 

92 Schurz to Godkin, June 23, Schurz's Writings, II, 384. Schurz, 
years later, made this statement regarding his policy in this confer- 
ence: "I realized that it was a fine chance to make a protest and a 
declaration of principles, but loyalty to the bolting South forced me to 
support Greeley." Lloyd, I, 35. For a reflective estimate by a con- 
temporary of the influence of Schurz's speech, see Brinkerhoff, Recol- 
lections, 220. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE 1 23 

inconsistency. If, as Schurz cuttingly told them, 93 they 
had gone to Cincinnati and expended only a portion of the 
energy there that they were now devoting to protesting 
against the convention's action, they might have saved the 
day. 

The resolutions submitted to the conference by Parke 
Godwin, a reformer of the type to which Schurz referred, 
furnish an excellent example of the advanced reforms de- 
manded by this group and of their wholly unworkable 
plans. The chief of Godwin's demands were: a reorgan- 
ization of the finances with a revenue tariff and a 
return to specie payments; a thorough reform of the civil 
service; a substitution for the corrupt and oligarchical 
national convention of " spontaneous nominations," and 
the direct election of president and vice-president; the 
abolition of the franking privilege; that since the Liberal 
candidates lacked the requisite qualifications to deal with 
the great problems that would confront the next adminis- 
tration, there be substituted for them Charles Francis 
Adams and William S. Groesbeck; and finally, that the 
persons present should pledge themselves to labor with 
all their might for the success of this new ticket. To give 
unity to their efforts and to distinguish them from other 
political organizations, they were to " assume the name of 
the American Democratic-Republican party." 94 

No action was taken on Godwin's resolutions, but after 
the conference the radical free-traders made a demonstra- 
tion hardly less quixotic. Following Schurz's speech, 
Cox sought to restore good feeling among the reformers by 
urging them, since it was likely that they would act to- 
gether either in the present campaign or in future ones, 
not to indulge in extreme criticisms that must tend to 

93 See his opening remarks in his speech at the conference, N. Y. 
Tribune, June 21. 

94 Ibid., June 22. 



124 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

embarrass their hearty and harmonious cooperation. 95 
A resolution was then adopted to adjourn the conference 
sine die, "without any further expression of opinion than 
those had from the individual members." 96 But as the 
delegates were leaving, Judge Stallo announced a meeting 
next day of those opposed to the present action. 97 This 
rump convention was attended by only about twenty-five, 
more than half of whom were from New York or Ohio. 9 * 
With all inharmonious elements excluded, their unanimity 
was perfect; they could denounce protectionists to their 
hearts' content. Resolutions were adopted containing an 
emphatic statement of the reforms called for in the Missouri 
Liberal platform, and strongly condemning both Grant and 
Greeley. As an especial shot at politicians and existing 
parties, one of their resolutions declared "That undue de- 
votion to party has already greatly damaged the republic,, 
and we now engage ourselves to discountenance, in every 
possible way, the despotism of party organization, and the 
abject submission of voters to the dictates of party poli- 
ticians." Not satisfied with the declaration of their prin- 
ciples, they proceeded to nominate a ticket of their own with 
William S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, a prominent independent 
Democrat, for president, and Frederick Law Olmsted, the 

95 N. Y. Tribvne June 21. 

96 Idem. 

97 Idem. 

98 The N. Y. Tribune (June 22) gives a list of twenty-two of the 
"most prominent." The best known names were Ottendorfer, Lloyd, 
Seamon, Sterne, and Bacon of New York; Atkinson of Massachusetts; 
Dexter, Oliver, Stallo, and Collins of Ohio. Cox left after a vain at- 
tempt to dissuade the meeting from taking any action that would further 
disorganize the opposition. The Springfield Weekly Republican (June 
28) said that these men were the least influential of those participating 
in the Fifth Avenue conference. The Chicago Tribune (June 25) said 
that the second conference was composed of six Democrats and eight 
Republicans, the latter being "respectable gentlemen, indeed, but too 
transcendental for this age of the world." 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE 125 

noted New York artist, for vice-president." The adminis- 
tration press spoke with great respect of the new ticket, 100 
welcoming any movement that promised a further division 
of the opposition, while the Bourbon Chicago Times warmly 
advocated Groesbeck's endorsement by the Democrats. 101 
But the reformers' ticket had but a brief existence. The 
next day Olmsted issued a card declining the honor, 102 
and about a month later, Groesbeck came out for Greeley. 103 
Thus, in spite of its failure to conciliate all of the reform- 
ers, 104 the Fifth Avenue conference had most favorable 
results for Greeley. The Liberals were united in his 
support so far as that could be brought about. 105 The con- 
ference had afforded the opportunity for the great Liberal 
leader, Schurz, to come out squarely for the Cincinnati 

99 N. Y. Tribune, June 22; Lloyd, I, 36. For an appreciative esti- 
mate of the work of this gathering, see Nation, June 27, p. 413. 

100 See editorials in the N. Y. Times, June 22, and the Albany Evening 
Journal, June 22. 

101 Chicago Times, June 24. 

102 N. Y. Tribune, June 24. 

103 Ibid., July 30; Nation, Aug. 1, p. 65. Greeley wrote to Glancy 
Jones, June 27: "I would not crowd Groesbeck. He will be all right." 
Jones, Jones, II, 154. 

104 The Evening Post (June 25) deplored the lack of enthusiasm for 
reform shown by the southerners and thought that "the meeting fur- 
nished a rather disheartening illustration of the partisan condition of 
politics, and of the profound want of respect even among those calling 
themselves reformers, for the animating spirit of reform, in other words, 
principle." The Nation strongly criticized Schurz for going over to 
Greeley. See editorial, June 27, p. 416. Henry D. Lloyd wrote, June 
24, that the reformers made a great mistake in following Schurz and not 
striking out for themselves. "We tried once more to unite fire and gun- 
powder without an explosion and succeeded as well as we deserved." 
Lloyd, I, 37. 

105 Cf. Springfield Weekly Republican, June 28; Atlantic Monthly, 
Aug., p. 255 . 



126 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

ticket. 106 Greeley's paper could see nothing but good to the 
cause of its candidate from the independent demonstration. 
It considered very lightly the defection of the Free Trade 
Leaguers "who went to Cincinnati thoroughly convinced 
that the salvation of the country depended upon the im- 
mediate abolition of the duty on pig iron, a mere economic 
question, a question of detail for a ways and means com- 
mittee. " 107 But the Tribune was greatly rejoiced at the 
overwhelming sentiment expressed for the Liberal candi- 
dates and particularly the pledges of support, which the 
occasion had called forth, from Schurz and Trumbull. 
"The meeting has harmonized the discordant element and 
largely conquered the discontent. To-day the Liberal 
movement is united and confident with Lyman Trumbull 
and Carl Schurz at its head." 108 

The sentiments expressed in the Fifth Avenue confer- 
ence foreshadowed the action of the reform group of the 
Liberals. The editorial "quadrilateral" supported Greeley 
faithfully throughout the campaign. 109 The Springfield 
Republican, the most discriminating of their journals, de- 
clared at the outset that it was not a "Greeley organ" and 
that "while celebrating his many and great virtues, it will 
not conceal his few and conspicuous vices. It will strive to 
present him as he is, and to contrast him with Gen. Grant as 
he is, and not to paint either as he is not." 110 Bowles, in 
the main, seems to have lived up to this ideal of campaign 

106 The Christian Union (June 26, p. 10) observed: "Indeed, it looks 
to us . . . as if the conference had come together — like the famous 
German dwarfs of the fairy story, to hump their backs to form a bridge 
upon which their countryman, good Carl Schurz, could walk over to 
Mr. Greeley. He is safe over!" Cf. Watterson, "Humor and Tragedy 
of the Greeley Campaign," 41. 

107 N. F. Tribune, June 26. 

108 Ibid., June 21. 

109 See editorial on "The Independent Press" in Golden Age, Nov. 9. 

110 Springfield Weekly Republican, June 14. 



THE LIBERALS AND THEIR CANDIDATE 1 27 

journalism remarkably well. 111 Schurz 112 and Trumbull 113 
both entered actively into the campaign, and made a num- 
ber of effective speeches. Those of the former were, as his 
biographers put it, " naturally against Grant rather than 
for Greeley. " 114 But he rendered good service to the cause 
where it was sorely needed — among the German element — 
and won the deep gratitude of the Liberal candidate. 115 
Other prominent independents, like Grosvenor in Mis- 
souri, 116 Koerner in Illinois, 117 Brinkerhoff in Ohio, 118 Judge 
Selden in New York, 119 and Bird in Massachusetts, 120 were 
among the active Liberal campaigners. Judge Chase 
throughout the campaign expressed his preference for 
Greeley whenever he had opportunity. 121 Sumner, as will 
be noted, 122 came out for Greeley rather late in the campaign, 
On the other side, the Nation, 123 the Evening Post 12 * and 
the Atlantic Monthly 12 * supported Grant, frankly as a choice 

111 Cf. Merriam, II, 193. 

112 See his St. Louis speech of July 22, in his Writings, II, 392 ff. 
Greeley wrote to Glancy Jones soon after the Fifth Avenue conference 
(June 24): "Do not distrust Schurz. He is all right." Jones, Jones, 

II, 154. 

113 White, 394-399. 

114 Bancroft- Dunning, Schurz' s Political Career, 352. 

115 Greeley to Schurz, Nov. 10. Schurz } s Writings, II, 443. 

116 See his speech at the Fifth Avenue conference in N. Y. Tribune, 
June 21. 

117 Koerner, Memoirs, II, 560 ff. 

118 Brinkerhoff, 222. 

119 Campaign speeches in N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 19, Oct. 21. 

120 Nation, Aug. 29, p. 129; Oct. 24, p. 258. 

121 Schuckers, Chase, 593; Warden, Chase, 734; Hooper to Sumner, 
July 2, Sumner MSS. Galusha A. Grow's biographers say that Grow 
"gave Greeley his moral but not his active support." DuBois and 
Mathews, Grow, 274. 

122 See below, p. 155. 

123 Nation, June 27, pp. 414, 416; July 11, p. 20; Aug. 15, p. 100; 
Aug. 22, p. 116; Oct. 17, p. 244. 

124 Evening Post editorial, Oct. 25. 

125 Atlantic Monthly, July, p. 127 f.; Aug., p. 256. 



128 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

of evils. The German press was, for the most part, never 
reconciled to Greeley. 126 Matthews 127 and Hoadly 128 went 
back to the Republicans. Stallo refused to vote for either 
candidate, 129 and Cox would take no part in the canvass, as 
he considered that there must be a complete reorganiza- 
tion of parties before the needed reforms could be secured. 130 
The bulk of the New England independents, 131 especially 
the " Adams men," and practically all of the leading mem- 
bers of the Free Trade League 132 in New York finally op- 
posed the Liberal ticket. 

126 Statements of German editors in the Fifth Avenue conference, 
N. Y. Tribune, June 21; Stoats Zeitung, quoted in ibid., Sept. 7, 20; 
Evening Post, Oct. 1. 

127 Warden, 732; N. Y. Times, Aug. 3. 

128 Campaign speech, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 26. 

129 St. Louis speech, quoted in Milwaukee Weekly Sentinel, Sept. 24. 

130 Cox to Sumner, Aug. 3, Sumner MSS. 

131 See editorials criticizing the attitude of the independents in the 
Springfield Weekly Republican, June 28, Oct. 18; Robinson, " Warring- 
ton," 136, 354, 355, 357; Adams, Adams, 392. An excellent statement 
of the point of view and ideas of the New England independents is given 
in the speech of C. F. Adams, Jr., at Quincy, Sept. 30, and printed in the 
Springfield Weekly Republican, Oct. 4. 

132 Mahlon Sands, the secretary of the League, in a letter to the 
World, Nov. 8, wrote: " I do not know of a single free-trade delegate to 
Cincinnati from this State, with the exceptions above stated [Selden and 
Dorsheimer] who voted for Mr. Greeley or even said a word in his favor." 
N. Y. World, Nov. 11. 



CHAPTER V 

THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 

From the more or less definite assurance of Democratic 
leaders, 1 the Liberals, when they went into their national 
convention, were relying on the support of that party. Had 
they named a relatively unobjectionable candidate there 
could have been little doubt of a harmonious coalition, 
but the outcome at Cincinnati unsettled the situation. 
Greeley, while on most issues as much on common ground 
with the Democrats as any pronounced Republican would 
have been, had by his peculiar style of journalism tended to 
give an exaggerated emphasis to his opposition. 2 But the 
party had made too great calculations on the movement 
and done too much to promote it to withdraw easily at this 
late day. Their main reliance of carrying the election had 

1 John Van Buren, Governor Hoffman's secretary, assured Wells in 
a letter, April 20: "One thing rely upon — you need do nothing at 
Cincinnati except with reference to drawing Republicans into the 
movement. Disregard the Democrats. The movement of that side 
will take care of itself. There will be no cheating nor holding back on 
their side. They will go over in bulk and with a will." Quoted by 
Wells to Trumbull, Apr. 22, Trumbull MSS., and by Trumbull to 
White, Apr. 24, White, Trumbull, 379. See also letters of Marble and 
Belmont to Schurz, Apr. 23, White, 373. 

2 Cf. Blaine, Twenty Years of Cong., II, 524; Rhodes, VI, 430 f. R. B. 
Hayes wrote in his diary, May 6, that if the Democrats adopted Greeley 
they might win by a large majority, but he thought that an attempt to 
secure his endorsement would cause a dissent in the party that would 
make possible Grant's reelection. Williams, Hayes, I, 367. Grant 
wrote to Washburne, May 26: "I predict that Greeley will not even be 
a candidate when the election comes off. The Democrats are not going 
to take him, and his following in the Republican ranks is not sufficient 
to make up an electoral ticket, nor is it composed of respectability 
enough to put on such a ticket. " Grant, Letters to a Friend, 69. 

10 129 



130 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

been in uniting with the discontented Republicans, and 
they were well assured that this element would support 
Grant rather than a straight Democratic candidate. 3 
Under these circumstances, the party's leaders would not 
act precipitately. A. K. McClure, after the Liberal nom- 
inations had been made, "was surprised to find before mid- 
night that a number of the Democratic leaders there sent 
out instructions to their States to hold themselves in readi- 
ness to accept the Liberal Republican ticket." 4 The Demo- 
cratic national committee met in New York a few days 
later and fixed the time and place for their national conven- 
tion, but took no further action. 5 

The most prompt and unanimous endorsement of Greeley 
came from the South. The abuses of radical rule were felt, 
of course, most grievously in this section, and there now 
seems to have been little confidence in the Democratic party, 
acting alone, as an agent of deliverance. Greeley's sym- 
pathetic and conciliatory attitude toward the South since the 
close of the war had done much to counteract the resent- 
ment at his course in the past and to create a kindly feeling 
for him in that section. 6 And certain southern leaders, who 
had no enthusiasm or respect for Greeley himself, accepted 
his candidacy as a possible opportunity for the South to 
extricate herself from her discredited position. 7 Prominent 
Democratic leaders all over the South early declared for 
coalition 8 and by far the greater number of influential south- 

3 Blaine, II, 525. 

4 McClure, Old Time Notes, II, 336. 

5 Some of the members, in newspaper interviews, commented on the 
political outlook in their states. Chicago Tribune, May 9. 

6 Cf. Blaine, II, 525; Watterson, "Humor and Tragedy of the Greeley 
Campaign," 40; Ross, "Horace Greeley and the South, 1865-1872." 

7 Lamar to Rumelin, May 6, July 15, Mayes, Lamar, 170 f. 

8 See letters in Greenville Enterprise, May 29; Harrell, Brooks and 
Baxter War, 119; Harrell's letter in N. Y. World, May 14; B. H. Hill's 
speech at Atlanta in June, Hill, Hill, 350 ff. See also Ingersoll, 
Greeley, 547 and an editorial in the Springfield Weekly Republican, May 
10. 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 131 

ern papers advocated that policy. 9 Roger Pryor, returning 
from a southern trip a couple of weeks after the Liberal 
convention, reported that the southern delegates would 
come to the Democratic convention solidly for Greeley. 10 
The only marked opposition from this section developed in 
Georgia, where the Stephens brothers and Robert Toombs 
bitterly opposed an endorsement of Greeley, but even here 
the coalition sentiment prevailed. 11 

In the West, with the exception of the German element 
of the party, the Liberal nominations were, on the whole, 
apparently well received. Henry Watterson, the Demo- 
cratic member of the " quadrilateral' ' of editors, in his 
report of the convention to his Courier '- Journal, made a 
strong plea for Democratic endorsement. Greeley's ex- 
ceptional 'running qualities' were set forth at length, and 
the impotence of the Democrats acting by themselves was 
warningly emphasized. "No man in himself," Watterson 
had the audacity to assert, " could possess fewer objection- 
able traits to the Democrats, who will take him, if they take 
the movement which put him in the field, with real enthu- 
siasm." It would have required no little effort, he was 
convinced, to overcome the Democratic prejudice for a 
candidate like Adams or Trumbull, but despite all the poli- 
ticians, the masses of the Democrats would "go it with a 
whoop" for Greeley. In spite of this assurance, however, 

9 See editorials in the Southern Recorder, May 7, 21; Greenville Enter- 
prise, May 8, 15; Charleston Courier, quoted in the Greenville Enterprise, 
May 22; Richmond Whig and Advertiser, May 10, quoting a dozen Vir- 
ginia papers all conditionally for Greeley; lists of southern papers 
supporting the Liberal ticket in N. Y. Tribune, May 10, 11, 18, and in 
the Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10. The N. Y. World, with 
its strong anti-Greeley bias, thus analyzed the southern press (May 14): 
S. C, Tenn., and Mo. enthusiastically and almost unanimously for 
Greeley; Ga., N. C., La., Md., Del. for a straight Democratic ticket; 
Va., Ala., Ky. divided. 

10 Quoted in San Francisco Evening Bulletin, May 22. 

11 Avery, Ga., 501; Hill, 65, 350 ff.; Phillips, Toombs, 267. 



132 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Watterson made his final appeal to expediency. "On the 
whole, the Democracy cannot do better than to prepare to 
support them [Greeley and Brown], for it requires but little 
foresight to see that it is that or four more years of Grant 
and Grantism, misrule at the North and bayonet rule at 
the South, with no end of dangerous possibilities." 12 Wil- 
liam Allen, of Ohio, the old Jacksonian war-horse, was no 
less enamored of the editor of the Tribune. "From the 
beginning of the movement/' he told a reporter, "I con- 
sidered Greeley of all candidates named, the one around 
whom the masses of the Democratic party could most easily 
rally, and they would with rare exceptions rally around 
him, and elect him, if the leaders pursued the part of wis- 
dom by avoiding a nomination at Baltimore." 13 Certain 
leading party organs of the Middle West hoisted the Liberal 
ticket immediately, subject to the action of their national 
convention, 14 and only two influential sheets stood out up 
to the last against a coalition. 15 The way in which Demo- 
cratic sentiment rapidly came around to the Liberal candi- 
dates is well shown in Wisconsin. The foremost Demo- 
cratic paper in that state (the Milwaukee News) was at 
first strongly inclined to think that the Democrats would 
make separate nominations, 16 but it requested to be informed 
of the party sentiment in all sections of the state. 17 The 
result of its canvass, reported a week later, was that all 
but four of the Democratic papers in the state were favor- 

12 Watterson's letter printed in Chicago Tribune, May 9. 

13 Interview in Cincinnati Enquirer, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, May 14. 

14 Besides the Courier- Journal, the Missouri Republican, May 4, and 
the Cincinnati Enquirer, St. Louis Times, and Indianapolis Sentinel, 
quoted in the N. Y. Tribune, May 10 and in the N. Y. Herald, May 11. 
The Madison Democrat (May 4) put Greeley and Brown at the head of 
its column under the caption, " Reform Candidates." 

15 Chicago Times and Detroit Free Press, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, 
May 18. 

16 Milwaukee News, May 4. 

17 Ibid., May 5. 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 1 33 

able to coalition, and of the members of the central com- 
mittee expressing an opinion, four were for Greeley, two 
opposed. The letters received were about five to one for 
the Liberal candidates, and in nearly every case a willing- 
ness was expressed to abide by the action of the national 
convention. 18 In Michigan a meeting of the Democratic 
association at Detroit, May 21, declared in favor of " har- 
monizing the action of the Liberal Republican and Demo- 
cratic parties in the coming election." 19 Some time before 
the Baltimore convention, the predominant sentiment of 
the western Democratic leaders was for united action. 20 
A few recalcitrants, like Daniel Voorhees, 21 of Indiana, were 
not sufficient to counteract this tendency. 

But the real Democratic opposition to Greeley came 
from the states of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
and especially Delaware in which the spirit of Bourbon De- 
mocracy seems at this time to have been most pronounced. 
The Washington Patriot, which claimed to be the official 
party organ, complained bitterly at first that Greeley's 
administration would be certain to be radical, and that 
there would be no advantage in changing from one set of 
Republican managers to another, but it refrained from ad- 
vising the party as to the course it should follow. 22 The 
next month it left the matter to the national convention 
whose decision would be " obligatory.' ' 23 The New York 
World was by far the strongest and most persistent oppo- 

18 Milwaukee News, May 12. In less than a fortnight (May 24) this 
paper was strongly advocating the acceptance of the Liberal candidates 
and platform. 

19 Dilla, Politics of Mich., 138; N. Y. Tribune, May 25. 

20 Kerr to Trumbull, June 16, Trumbull MSS.; Nation, June 20, p. 

397. 

21 See account of his opposition speech in Congress in N. Y. World 
May 14 and his speech at Terre Haute, reported in N. Y. Tribune, May 
27. 

22 Washington Patriot, May 8, 9. 

23 Ibid., June 19. 



134 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

nent of coalition. For a decade past the World had been 
contending with its Republican rival with all the bitter 
personalities that characterized the journalism of the 
period and had never failed to denounce the ideas and hold 
up to ridicule the political aspirations of the editor of the 
Tribune. It seemed, therefore, like carrying the plea of 
party expediency too far to ask this organ of conservative 
Democracy to champion the candidacy of Horace Greeley. 
Marble, in the South at the time of the nomination, wired 
Jiis paper to oppose Greeley, 24 and this it proceeded to do 
In the most thorough manner. His nomination was greeted 
'as that of "the most conspicuous and heated opponent of 
the Democratic party that could be found in the whole 
country/' 25 The paper promised to be bound by the action 
of the Democratic national convention, but in the mean- 
time pledged itself to do everything that it could to prevent 
Greeley's endorsement. 26 The World thus became the 
centre of the anti-coalition sentiment, collecting and dis- 
playing expressions of Democratic opposition to the Liberal 
ticket from all over the country. 27 But its own contribu- 
tions to this end surpassed them all. The epithets of abuse 
that Greeley had so freely hurled against the Democrats in 
times past were reprinted from old Tribune files, 28 while his 
present overtures to the party were contemptuously ridi- 
culed. 29 The Tribune's support of certain radical southern 
measures and its opposition to the Missouri Liberal movement 

24 So stated in World editorial, May 25. 

25 Ibid., May 4. 

26 Ibid., May 7. 

27 For examples, see ibid.. May 11, 27, June 5. 

28 Ibid., June 6. The World declared (June 7) that by the time of 
the Baltimore convention not much of Greeley's record would remain 
to be canvassed by the Republican papers, and that Democrats should 
not be moved by anything Republicans could say against him in the 
remainder of the canvass, if the convention accepted him. 

29 Ibid., May 23, 28. 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 1 35 

of 1 870 were used to alienate conservative northern support. 30 
A still less exalted line of argument was that in the distribu- 
tion of offices by Greeley the Democrats would fare but 
slimly. 31 Greeley's availability was challenged; he had 
always proved a weak candidate, and his election for presi- 
dent was utterly unthinkable. 32 He was not the sort of 
candidate that a discriminating voter — least of all a discrim- 
inating Democrat — could support. ''Wherever in any city 
of the State you find a ring organ, you find a supporter of 
Mr. Greeley, a candidate for whom the honest, thinking 
mass of Democrats could no more vote than a Jew could be 
persuaded to eat pork, or the Union League Club to hang 
upon its walls a portrait of Jefferson Davis." 33 

The World's recalcitrant attitude was roundly denounced 
by Democratic papers eager for coalition, a considerable 
number of them charging it with working deliberately in 
the interest of Grant. 34 In the New York Democratic state 
convention, May 15, which attracted wide attention, 35 the 
influence of the pro-Greeley, machine element prevailed. 
The Cincinnati platform was heartily endorsed, and, while 
a resolution to instruct for Greeley and Brown was tabled, 
it was understood that the delegation would vote as a unit 

30 World, May 27, 30, June 12. 

31 The World said editorially (June 15) that if there was any possi- 
bility of Greeley's election he ought to give assurances that he would 
appoint a full Democratic cabinet, no more than the interior department, 
at most, should be conceded to the Liberals. But (it said) it was 
generally understood that Greeley desired Adams for the state depart- 
ment, Fenton for the treasury, Trumbull for attorney general, possibly 
Montgomery Blair for postmaster general, and John Cochrane for col- 
lector of the port of New York. 

32 Ibid., May 15, 24, 29. 

33 Ibid., May 18. Cf. Ibid., May 20, 29. 

34 Ibid., May 22, 25, 29 (quoting charges of this sort); Richmond Whig 
and Advertiser, May 14; Mo. Republican, June 6; St. Louis Times, 
quoted in People's Tribune, May 29. 

35 See Chicago Tribune, May 17. 



I36 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

for the Liberal candidates. 36 The more eminent represen- 
tatives of the party in the state were left off the delegation, 
which was composed largely of the ring element. 37 Even 
Belmont, though the national chairman, was not given a 
vote, by reason, as he claimed, of his supposed connection 
with the World* 8 The World charged that the convention's 
action was in accordance with a bargain between the Tam- 
many-Fenton Republicans and the ring Democrats, by 
which, after Greeley's nomination was secured at Cincinnati, 
he was to be endorsed by the Democrats of the state, and 
in return the Republican legislature was to stifle reform 
measures in order to give Governor Hoffman the opportunity 
to gain sufficient prestige by his vetoes to win the senator- 
ship. 39 The true party sentiment in the state was held to be 
strongly antagonistic to Greeley. 40 

But the leading Democrats in New York, however much 
chagrin they might feel at the miscarriage of their plans, 
considered that the best policy now was to go on with the 
coalition program. August Belmont, who had served faith- 
fully for the past dozen years as the national chairman, 
wrote that while Greeley was to him "the most objection- 
able person whom the Liberals could select/ ' he was of the 
opinion that the best policy now was to endorse the Liberal 
candidates and platform. He thought, too, that this was 
the general sentiment of the party in the state. 41 Samuel 
J. Tilden thought that the movement had been so long en- 
couraged by Democratic leaders and that the party had 

36 N. Y. Tribune, May 16; Albany Argus, May 16. 

37 Cf. Alexander, Political Hist, of N. Y., Ill, 287-289. 

38 Belmont to Woolley, May 21, reprinted in N. Y. World, June 8, 
from Cincinnati Enquirer. 

39 Ibid., May 17. The Nation (May 30, p. 345) thought that, while 
Greeley could not be a party to such a scheme, the character of his sup- 
porters and of the managers of the Democratic state convention, as well 
as the course of events thus far, lent color to such a story. 

40 N. Y. World, May 18, 25. 

41 Belmont to Woolley, May 21, N. Y. World, June 8. 



THE DEMOCRATIC -LIBERAL COALITION 1 37 

come so to count upon it that it was too late for them to 
back out. 42 Veteran Democrats like Horatio Seymour 43 
and Fernando Wood 44 also came over to Greeley before the 
Baltimore convention. But there were some old-time lead- 
ers who found it hard or impossible to support their erst- 
while vilifier. Thus John J. Taylor, a dominant leader of 
the party in his section of the state, whose congressional 
career had been cut short by his support of the Kansas- 
Nebraska bill, 45 protested strongly, in a letter to Tilden, 
against the proposed action. Greeley's endorsement, he 
was certain, would so divide the Democrats as to cause 
defeat when success was within their reach "by a judicious 
nomination either wholly Democratic or partly and princi- 
pally Liberal Republican.' ' He thought that the party 
might well unite on Trumbull, Adams, Davis, Cox, and 
even, in last resort, Sumner; but he feared that he could 
not maintain his self-respect and vote for Greeley. Taylor 
suggested as a most acceptable combination, in case a 
straight Democratic ticket seemed inadvisable, Trumbull 
with a reform Democrat, like Tilden himself, as running 
mate. He was not too much of a "Bourbon" to support 
"with pleasure" a ticket of that sort. "I care nothing for 
the issues that are passed," he concluded earnestly, if not 
altogether ingenuously, "but Mr. Greeley is directly against 

42 Tilden to Casserly, July 3, Tilden, Letters, I, 310. In declining to 
act as a vice-president of the Steinway Hall meeting Tilden had stated 
that he preferred Greeley to Grant. Tilden to Sands, May 29, ibid., 

304. 

43 N. Y. Tribune, May 21. Greeley wrote to Glancy Jones, June 24: 
"Tilden is heartily with us and at work. So is Hancock. So is Sey- 
mour." Jones, Jones, II, 154. 

44 Wood to Sumner, June 29, Sumner MSS. 

45 Alexander, II, 250. In 1858 when Taylor was the Democratic 
candidate for lieutenant governor, the Tribune said editorially (Sept. 
17, 1858) that, after the discredit that Taylor had gained by his support 
of the Nebraska bill, it would be disappointed if he did not run behind 
his ticket. 



I38 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

us upon the great living issues, those issues which began 
with our government and must last as long as it lasts. He 
has not besides the qualities that fit for the presidency, but 
others which would make him the prey of the designing and 
corrupt." 46 All the persuasions of life-long political friends 
could not bring Charles O'Conor, at this time or later, to sup- 
port a former political foe whom he regarded as a ''tender- 
hearted Moloch, whose life-long mission of hate has filled 
the land with fratricidal slaughter of the white race," and 
whose " chief passion' ' was a "love of eclat.'' 47 But such 
protesting voices, 48 like that of the World, were drowned 
amid the general cry of the politicians for success at any 
price. 

In the Pennsylvania state convention, May 30-31, there 
was considerable sentiment shown, especially by the dele- 
gates representing Democratic strongholds, for a straight 
party nomination at Baltimore, 49 and their resolutions con- 
tained the steadfast party declaration that "the Democracy 
of Pennsylvania can find no better platform upon which to 
stand than the great leading principles enunciated in the 
inaugural address of President Jefferson and the farewell 
address of the immortal Jackson; upon these two great 
state papers we plant ourselves and enter the contest of 
1872. " 50 But a considerable majority of the delegates 
present were for Greeley and a majority of those selected 
for the national convention were known to favor coalition. 51 

46 Taylor to Tilden, July 13. Tilden, Letters, I, 306 f . For similar 
sentiments, see J. W. Harper to Marble, Aug. 12, Harper, House of 
Harper, 305; Wheeler, Sixty Years of American Life, 96. 

47 O'Conor to Tilden, Aug. 24, Bigelow, Tilden, I, 218. 

48 In Massachusetts Robert C. Winthrop, who had never before 
supported a Republican ticket, declared for Grant in preference to 
Greeley. See Winthrop to Clifford, Aug. 8, Winthrop, Winthrop, 278. 

49 N. Y. Tribune, May 31. 

60 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 664. 

61 N. Y. Tribune, June 1. See also Jones to Chase, June 20, Chase 
MSS. 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 1 39 

The Bourbons were greatly in evidence in the New Jersey 
convention, June 26, and tried, amid much excitement, to 
put through a resolution declaring against the nomination 
at Baltimore of any but a Democratic candidate. But 
after a conciliatory speech from ex- Governor Randolph, who 
explained the utter failure of the attempts since the Liberal 
convention to secure a more acceptable coalition candidate 
and urged the support of Greeley as the certain and only 
means of overthrowing Grant, resolutions of qualified ap- 
proval for the Cincinnati platform were adopted without 
dissent, and the state committee was instructed to unite 
with any other organization opposed to the present admin- 
istration. 52 Still the Bourbon spirit found some expression; 
the state's delegation was divided. 53 

In Delaware, however, appeared the most pronounced 
exhibition of Bourbonism. In that state there had been no 
Liberal organization, and the Democrats had no sympathy 
with the movement. Senator T. F. Bayard, one of the fore- 
most leaders of the national as of the state Democracy, was 
decidedly opposed to the party's supporting a candidate from 
outside its own ranks. 54 The state convention, June n, 
would commit itself to no platform beyond "the Declara- 
tion of Independence and the Constitution of the United 
States, desiring alone to regulate its action thereby." The 
war amendments were declared to be illegally adopted, "and 
the state of Delaware having rejected them, as a sovereign 
state, is not morally bound by them." To remove all 
doubt as to their attitude regarding the national ticket, 
they pledged themselves "to leave no honorable means un- 

52 N. Y. Tribune, June 27; N. Y. Times, June 27. 

53 The N. Y. Times said (June 27) that Greeley would probably have 
the full support of the state's delegation, though he would not begin to 
poll the full party vote in the state, but in the Baltimore convention 
only a half of the delegation proved to be in favor of the Liberal candi- 
date. Proceedings of the Bern. Nat. Con. at Baltimore, 66. 

54 Spencer, Bayard, 58. 



140 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

tried to elevate to the chief magistracy of the republic a 
true exponent of Democratic principles." 55 

But Delaware was alone in her hopeless insensibility to 
the appeal of party expediency. Some time before the 
Baltimore convention it was apparent that the Liberal 
ticket would be taken over with practical unanimity. Of 
the thirty Democratic state conventions held during May 
and June, twenty-six instructed for a coalition or by their 
resolutions favored such a policy. 56 The Washington 
Patriot, shortly before the national convention, bowing to 
the inevitable, urged a union on the Liberal ticket as a 
choice of evils. 57 Toward the end of June even the World 
was "reluctantly constrained to believe that the endorse- 
ment of Greeley at Baltimore is one of the absurd possibili- 
ties of American politics. " Such action, it was confident, 
4 'would not represent the Democratic party but only its 
trading politicians. " 58 

In the Baltimore convention, which was by no means 
representative of the best and strongest elements of the 
party, 59 the machinery was all prepared for putting through 
the Liberal platform and candidates with the greatest show 
of unanimity and enthusiasm. Belmont's opening speech 
was an apology for the step that the party was about to 

55 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 235; N. Y. Tribune, June 12. 

66 The four not committing themselves in this way were La., Md., 
and Pa., not taking definite action, and Del., openly hostile. See re- 
ports of the conventions under the respective states in Annual Cyclo- 
pedia, 1872. 

57 Washington Patriot, July 1, 3, 8. 

58 N. Y. World, June 25. 

59 The correspondent of the Nation wrote (July 18, p. 40): "A higher 
general average of intelligence and character was, I think, discernible 
at Philadelphia than here; and, indeed, there was no very successful 
representation of that intellectually able class which may be called the 
legal-minded constitutional Democracy, as distinguished from the 
negro-hating and office-seeking Democracy." 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 141 

take, 60 and ex-Senator Doolittle as permanent chairman was 
well fitted to put on the humiliating program with the least 
embarrassment and friction. 61 The resolutions committee 
reported the Cincinnati platform verbatim, the chairman 
urging that it had already been adopted by all but four 
state conventions. 62 The opposition to the report was ably 
presented by Senator Bayard. The Liberal platform, he 
argued, contained many things that the Democrats re- 
spected and adhered to, but likewise much that they desired 
to modify and correct. The party should go before the 
country with its own statement of the issues of the day, and 
not slavishly follow the sentiments of another organization. 
In this position, he asserted, he was voicing the unanimous 
conviction of the party in Delaware. 63 In reply, M. P. 
O'Connor, 64 of South Carolina, and Judge Reagan, 65 of Texas, 
feelingly urged a full acceptance of the Liberal platform as 
the only salvation for their section. The report was adopted 
by a vote of 670 to 62 , 66 The Liberal nominees were en- 
dorsed with like facility, Greeley receiving on the first ballot 
686 votes to 38 for other candidates and 8 blank, 67 and 
Brown meeting with still less opposition. 68 

60 Proceedings Baltimore Convention, 3-5. 

S1 Cf. Nation, July 18, pp. 38 f. For Doolittle's speech, see Proceed- 
ings, 16-20. 

62 Proceedings, 41. 

63 Ibid., 45-48. 

64 Ibid., 48-50; O'Connor, O'Connor, 56-60. 

65 Proceedings, 51. 

66 Ibid., 53. The opposition came from N. J., Pa., Del., W. Va., Ga., 
Fla., Miss., Mo., and Ore. Delaware's vote in the negative was greeted 
with hisses. Ibid., 54. Greeley wrote to a friend, July 16, that, while the 
endorsement of the Liberal ticket had been a foregone conclusion, he 
was astonished that the Democrats should accept the platform. Benton, 
Greeley on Lincoln, etc., 226 f. 

67 Proceedings, 66. The votes for other candidates were James A. 
Bayard, 15 (Del., 6; N. J., 9); Jeremiah S. Black, 21 (Pa.); William S. 
Groesbeck, 2 (W. Va.). The blanks were: Fla., 2; Ga., 4; W. Va., 2. 

68 Ibid., 67. John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky, received 6 votes from 
Delaware, and 13 were blank (Fla., 2; N. J., 9; W. Va., 2). Both 
nominations were confirmed unanimously. Ibid., 67, 71. 



I42 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

State coalitions were effected with equal success. In the 
states electing their officials this year, separate conventions 
were usually called by the allied organizations to meet at 
the same time and in the same city, and the negotiations 
between them were conducted by a conference committee, 
the proceedings in some cases being closed with a joint 
ratification meeting. 69 In most cases the candidates were 
apportioned between the two parties without any serious 
friction. 70 It was noticeable, however, that in states where 
the Democrats were relatively strong they appropriated 
the lion's share of the offices, while in Republican strong- 
holds the Liberals were allowed the first places on the tick- 
ets. 71 The list of gubernatorial nominees that the coalition- 
ists put in the field was truly imposing. Of the Liberals, 
Francis W. Bird in Massachusetts (after the withdrawal 
of Sumner, the first choice), Gustave Koerner in Illinois, 
and Austin Blair in Michigan; and of the Democrats, 
Francis Kernan in New York, Charles R. Buckalew in 

69 For accounts of such joint conventions, see Springfield Weekly 
Republican, Sept. 13; N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 5, 6; Koerner, Memoirs, 
II, 560-562; Dilla, 140 f.; Wilder, Annals of Kansas, 583-585; Gue, 
History of Iowa, III, 50. 

70 In Louisiana and Arkansas there was considerable disagreement 
over the fusion tickets, but the matter was later adjusted in each case. 
Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, pp. 28, 477-481; Harrell, 145. The Georgia 
Liberals asked to have a representative of their faction placed on the 
electoral ticket, but the Democrats refused. Avery, 502. The Mo. 
Republican (Sept. 2) deprecated the illiberal policy of the Democrats 
in certain counties in the composition of their local tickets, but later 
(Oct. 5) declared that cases of this sort were fewer than might have been 
expected. A circular sent out from Connecticut Democratic headquar- 
ters to party workers gave this advice: " Be liberal in the distribution of 
offices to the Liberal Republicans; give them their full share with a 
view to bind them for future operations." Quoted in San Francisco 
Evening Bulletin, Oct. 8. 

71 Thus in N. Y., Pa., Ind., and Mo. old-line Democrats headed the 
fusion tickets, while in Mass., Vt., 111., Mich., and Kan. the honor was 
accorded to a Liberal. 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 143 

Pennsylvania, and Thomas A. Hendricks in Indiana, were 
all notable figures in the political annals of the period. The 
state forces of the coalition were thus harmoniously organ- 
ized for the activities of the campaign. 

The formal preliminaries of cooperation with the Liberals 
had now been arranged by the active leaders of the Democ- 
racy. It remained to be seen whether the rank and file of 
the party would carry out the bargain at the polls. From 
the outset, the attitude that the Democratic voters would 
assume towards their life-long enemy, now become their 
regular candidate, had been recognized on all sides as the 
decisive factor in the campaign. The Republicans ac- 
cordingly did their best in the press and on the stump to 
excite the traditional Democratic prejudice against Greeley, 
Their congressional campaign committee busied a corps of 
workers in culling from the files of the Tribune the choicest 
specimens of editorial abuse. 72 Of the ammunition thus 
supplied the administration organs made copious use against 
the coalition forces. 73 Considerations of this sort rendered 
it impossible for a few leading Democrats to give Greeley a 
hearty support, even as the regular party candidate. Man- 
ton Marble relinquished his editorship of the World during 
the campaign in order that this leading party organ, after a 
preliminary expression of protest, 74 might give a fairly 
cordial support to the coalition. The Sage of Deerfield 
with difficulty brought himself to speak for a candidate 

72 Detroit Post and Tribune, Chandler, 315; Chicago Tribune, June 30. 

73 For examples of the use of such material, see N. Y. Times, July 19; 
Harper's Weekly, Aug. 3; Boston Commonwealth, July 13; Cincinnati 
Semi-Weekly Gazette, May 31; Milwaukee Weekly Sentinel, June 18; 
Kan. Commonwealth, July 10, 12. See also on Greeley and the Demo- 
crats from a Republican viewpoint, Blaine, Political Discussions, no; 
Booth, Speeches, 147 ff.; Conkling's campaign speech, printed in N. Y. 
Times, July 24. For the attempt of New York Republicans to draw 
off Democratic votes by naming an old-time leader of that party for 
governor, see below, p. 179. 

7 *See its editorial of July n. 



144 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

whose abuse of the party had been "so gross," 75 and many 
humbler Democrats must have shared his repugnance. But 
even Bourbons, like Voorhees 76 and Bayard, 77 recognizing 
their obligations to the regular party ticket, finally took 
the stump; and heroic efforts were made to give the best 
appearance to a humiliating situation. The Democratic 
voter was assured that Greeley's past denunciations of 
their party were merely the sounding utterances of a 
partisan editor in the heat of a forgotten conflict, ex- 
ploded shells to be disregarded. 78 Bayard, using a more 
congenial argument, reminded the Delaware irreconcil- 
ables of the cooperation of the Liberals with the Demo- 
crats in the past Congress, and urged that only by coalition 
in the present canvass could the Democrats hope to end 
federal tyranny at the South. 79 Against the fear that 
coalition might mean an abandonment of principles, the 
faithful were assured that no Democratic principle could 
suffer through Greeley's success since the chief places in 
the cabinet and other important offices would go to true 
representatives of their party. 80 Indeed the prospect that 
the Democrats would gain greatly by the anticipated reor- 
ganization of parties was much emphasized . The Democratic 

75 Seymour to Tilden, Oct. 3. "But for you and Reman," he wrote, 
"I should not move this fall, as it is, I will do what I can." Tilden, 
Letters, I, 311. 

76 Ingersoll, 566 f. 

77 Spencer, 58. 

78 Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation, 627; Julian, Later 
Speeches, 16. 

79 Spencer, 164-166. For a similar argument, see an editorial in the 
People's Tribune, Oct. 16. Seymour, in private correspondence, justi- 
fied Democratic support of Greeley on the ground that he could "be 
made use of in drawing negroes out of office." Seymour to Tilden, Oct. 
3, Tilden, Letters, I, 311. 

80 See, for instance, editorials in N. Y. World, July 17, Oct. 30. There 
was much discussion over the composition of Greeley's cabinet. It was 
widely reported that Seymour was to be secretary of state. See New 
York correspondent in the Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, May 31. 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 1 45 

party, it was conceded, had been greatly weakened, but the 
impending break-up of the Republican organization would 
enable it to become one of the great parties of the future. 81 
Such arguments for coalition, predicated upon the prospect 
of its success, might hold reluctant Democrats so long as the 
prospect remained bright. But in October, when the tide 
was clearly against the coalition, 82 the Democratic voters 
seemed not unlikely to drift with it, and most fervent ap- 
peals were addressed to them from both Democratic and 
Liberal quarters to rally to their candidates and still save 
the day. 83 

The N. Y. Sun (quoted in Springfield Weekly Republican, Aug. 2) sug- 
gested this combination: state, Charles Francis Adams, Mass.; treas- 
ury, Sanford E. Church, N. Y.; war, John M. Palmer, 111.; navy, 
Austin Blair, Mich.; interior, James B. Beck, Ky.; postmaster-general, 
Richard Taylor, La.; attorney-general, William S. Groesbeck, Ohio. 
J. R. Doolittle predicted in a letter to Sumner (July 24) that Greeley 
would select for his secretary of state a man like Buckalew, Hendricks, 
or Sumner himself. Sumner MSS. In his speech at Portland, Maine, 
in August, Greeley said distinctly that in case of his election he would 
not confine his appointments to Republicans. N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 16; 
Ingersoll, 649. 

81 The California Liberal national committeeman issued a circular in 
which he argued that the Democrats would not absorb the Liberals, 
but that the election of Greeley would lead to the breaking up of the 
Republican party, and that the Liberals and Democrats would con- 
stitute the two great parties of the future. A copy of this circular is in 
the Sumner MSS. 

82 See below p. 182. 

83 See editorials in N. Y. World, Oct. 30, 31, Nov. 1, 4; Washington 
Patriot, Oct. 24; Milwaukee News, Oct. 20; Chicago Tribune, Oct. 22; 
Springfield Weekly Republican, Oct. 25; Leslie's Newspaper, Nov. 2; 
Spirit of the Times, Oct. 12; Mo. Republican, Oct. 28. The N. Y. Tri- 
bune (editorial Oct. 26) declared that if the liberal ticket got the full 
Democratic vote there was no doubt of its success, but that if ten per 
cent stayed away from the polls defeat was equally certain. It vividly 
pictured the present low state of the party and its hopeless future, and 
solemnly warned Democratic voters: "Opportunities neglected are 
opportunities no more. Democrats who vote their party of no account 
in 1872 will hardly find it to vote for or against in 1876. " 



I46 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

The common opinion that the Democratic leaders in the 
main were faithful to their obligations under the party com- 
pact, 84 finds support in an examination of the character 
and personnel of the organized opposition that arose within 
the party. Some time before the Democratic national 
convention, an agitation was started for a representation of 
"true Democrats' ' at Baltimore who in case the regular 
convention endorsed the Liberal candidates should put a 
genuine Democratic ticket in the field. 85 Such a rival 
gathering, with a small attendance and not very creditable 
leadership, was held at Baltimore. Resolutions were 
adopted denouncing the action of the national convention, 
and declaring for states' rights and strict construction. 
Provision was made for the formation of a national organ- 
ization and the calling of a convention on September 
3 at Louisville. 86 In the meantime, the candidates of the 
Labor Reform party having withdrawn, negotiations were 
entered into by certain of their leaders with the " straight- 
out" Democrats. 87 At a convention of one wing of the 
labor party, in August, it was decided to recommend Charles 
O' Conor of New York and Senator Saulsbury of Delaware 
to the Louisville convention as suitable candidates, and a 
committee was appointed to confer with the " straight-out ' ' 
convention on the best measures to be taken for a successful 
campaign. 88 

The Louisville convention assembled on the appointed 
day with a good attendance. A platform was adopted 
declaring for states' rights and strict construction and a 
recognition of the interests of labor, and denouncing pro- 
tection and monopoly. Charles O'Conor, who had written 

84 See Rhodes, VI, 433; Ingersoll, 562. 

85 Circular, quoted in the N. Y. World, July 3. 

86 Proceedings reported in the N. Y. Tribune , July 9-1 1. 

87 N. Y. Herald, July 27, 30. 

88 N. Y. World, Aug. 23. 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION 1 47 

a letter to the convention setting forth his ideas of govern- 
ment and politics in general, was named for president with 
John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts for vice-president. 89 
Both candidates promptly declined, but their "party" re- 
fused to recognize such an action and placed itself in the 
ridiculous position of supporting candidates against their 
expressed wishes. 90 The "straight-outs" made pretenses 
of carrying on an active canvass in a number of states, and 
their doings were given an exaggerated prominence by the 
Republican press. In twenty-three states they had elec- 
toral tickets 91 and in three 92 state tickets as well. Conven- 
tions, mass meetings, and campaign organizations of this fac- 
tion were reported from time to time from various sections. 93 
The character of the "straight-out" leaders, with a few 
exceptions, was not such as to make the movement a protest 
worthy of respect. The chief promoter of the Louisville 
convention was Colonel Blanton Duncan of Kentucky who 
after discrediting himself with the Confederacy had become 
a turn-coat. 94 In the campaign of 1876 he was an ardent 

89 McKee, Conventions and Platforms, 147 f.; Stanwood, Hist, of the 
Presidency, 349-351; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 4-6; Chicago Times, Sept. 4-6. 

90 Chicago Times, Sept. 14, Oct. 10; Pomeroy's Democrat, Oct. 5, 12, 
26. O'Conor wrote to Tilden, Aug. 24: "To hold an office charged 
with the dispensation of extensive patronage, not the world's mass of 
vanity would tempt me. Of course I will not be a candidate. " Bigelow, 
Tilden, I, 218. 

91 Stanwood, Hist, of Presidency, 352. 

92 Illinois, Indiana, and Michigan. See Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, pp. 
39 J » 397> 538; Dilla, 142. In New York a state ticket was not named 
out of deference to Apollo Hall which favored Kernan, the Democratic- 
Liberal candidate for governor. Pomeroy's Democrat, Oct. 6. 

93 Albany Evening Journal, Aug. 12; Chicago Times, Aug. 17, 19, 21, 
2 3> 30, Sept. 16, 20, 23, 27, Oct. 19; N. Y. Times, Sept. 21; Cincinnati 
Semi-Weekly Gazette, Nov. 1, 5; Milwaukee Weekly Sentinel, Sept. 24; 
San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Oct. 23; Wilder, 580, 586; Davis, Politi- 
cal Conventions of Col., 320; Avery, 502. 

94 Chicago Tribune, Aug. 9; N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 13. 



I48 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

green-backer. 95 The leading organs in the North were 
Storey's Chicago Times, "Brick" Pomeroy's Democrat, and 
other notorious copperhead papers about New York City. 96 
The main support of the faction in the East was James 
O'Brien's Apollo Hall organization in New York. 97 In the 
South the leading adherents, while in many cases eminently 
respectable, were of the extreme irreconcilables who had 
been doing so much to injure their party ever since the war, 
men like Alexander Stephens, Hershel V. Johnson, and 
Henry A. Wise. 98 It was repeatedly charged by the coali- 
tionists that the whole " straight-out" movement was but 
an administration decoy for discontented, unwary Demo- 
cratic voters, and there seem to have been some grounds 
for such a charge. The statement was widely made, with- 
out convincing contradiction, that the faction's literature 
was sent out under the franks of Republican congressmen 
and distributed by Republican office holders acting under 
the direction of the Republican congressional campaign 
committee, 99 and, in one state at least, the Republican lead- 
ers went still further in securing support for a movement 
whose whole tendency was to divide and weaken the opposi- 
tion. 100 The open affiliation of prominent "straight-outs" 

95 Industrial Age, Sept. 16, 1876. 

98 See a partial list of these papers in N. Y. Times, Aug. 2. 

97 N. Y. World, Aug. 28; Pomeroy's Democrat, Oct. 6. 

98 Avery, 502; Wis. Weekly State Journal, Aug. 27. Stephens had 
a high opinion of Grant and his policies. See Crawford, "What the 
Vice-President of the Confederacy thought of General Grant. " Inde- 
pendent, LIX, 679 ff. 

99 N. Y. Herald, Aug. 22; Chicago Tribune, Aug. 20, 21; N. Y. Trib- 
une, Aug. 13. 

100 Hamilton, "The Election of 1872 in North Carolina " in South 
Atlantic Quarterly, XI, 151. See also the Elmira Gazette's statement 
regarding the movement in southern New York, quoted in the N. Y. 
World, Sept. 3. Senator Morton was charged with being in consulta- 
tion with the managers of the Louisville convention, but he denied any 
knowledge of their doings. Foulke, Morton, II, 265. 



THE DEMOCRATIC-LIBERAL COALITION I49 

with the Republicans the next year and the appointment of 
some of them to federal offices seemed to Democratic papers 
to be conclusive evidence of the truth of their charges. 101 

101 For references to such cases, see N. Y. World, Jan. 3, 1873; Mil- 
vjaukee News, May 24, 1873; Madison Democrat, Jan. 3, 1873; Mil- 
waukee Sentinel, Jan. 28, 1873. 



CHAPTER VI 

THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 

The campaign of 1872 was primarily one of personalities. 
Probably no previous national campaign had been conducted 
so largely on the basis of personal abuse and misrepresenta- 
tion. 1 The efforts of the Liberals to break up the old party 
made the Republicans most bitter toward that element of 
the opposition, and the politicians who largely controlled the 
Liberal movement after Greeley's nomination found their 
readiest and most congenial arguments in the abuse of the 
President and his advisers. All impartial, or in any degree 
fair-minded, observers admitted the disgraceful perversions 
of the canvass. "We designed it to be a campaign of ideas, 
and it became a campaign of personalities," Schurz wailed 
shortly after the election. 2 "The amount of lying done in 
the present Presidential canvass," the New York Observer 
thought, "is fearful to contemplate. And the persistence 
in it, after its exposure and refutation, is more fearful still. 
We have watched eight successive campaigns, and we are 
quite sure for total depravity, this beats them all." 3 Simi- 
larly the Nation, in prefacing a long list of picturesque cam- 
paign epithets, expressed the opinion that "The campaign 
work is a shower of mud to a far greater extent than that of 

1 Professor Jesse Macy says ("The Scientific Spirit in Politics," Am. 
Pol. Sc. Rev. XI, 3) that "The campaign of 1872 seemed to exemplify 
the new [scientific] spirit." But such a spirit in this canvass, as the 
following account should show, was altogether more seeming than real. 

2 Schurz to White, about Nov. 15, Schurz' s Writings, II, 444. 

3 N. Y. Observer, Sept. 26. The Christian Advocate the same week 
(Sept. 26) commented: "The pending political canvass is distinguished 
for its personalities which in violence, recklessness of the truth and 
impertinent intermeddling with the private affairs of the parties assailed, 
are unprecedented and simply scandalous." 

150 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 151 

any other campaign within our remembrance. " 4 In accept- 
ing a renomination to Congress, on the last day of July, 
James A. Garfield declared : "The battle has already begun in 
a spirit of unusual violence, and bids fair to be as fierce and 
disreputable in the spirit in which it is carried on as any we 
have ever witnessed. " 5 Bayard Taylor wrote from Switzer- 
land in September: "How glad I am to be away from home 
this summer! I can even smell the stench and feel the 
venom of the campaign at this distance, and there are few 
features of it which do not create disgust. " 6 The character- 
ization of a presidential campaign by a political writer in the 
preceding March seems most prophetic and aptly descrip- 
tive of the ensuing contest: "A presidential campaign is a 
discussion with sticks; nobody reasons, everybody lies as 
hard as ever he can, and the forces are in the nature of clubs. 
When the war opens, it is presumed that recruiting is over 
for this time, that the facts of the case and the rhetoric of 
the statesmen have adjusted voters to their places in oppos- 
ing ranks, nothing remains but to see who can make the 
most noise and demolish the most character." 7 

The press contributed greatly to this work of calumny 
and misrepresentation. Political journalism with such 
editors as Wilbur Story, Donn Piatt and "Brick" Pomeroy 
was not likely to be over-scrupulous, and the editors of the 
leading party organs fell about as low as these pariahs of 
the press. Whitelaw Reid, who assumed the management 
of the Tribune upon Greeley's nomination, wrote that the 
policy of this paper in the campaign was to be "aggressive," 8 
and he followed out this aim most consistently, regardless 

4 Nation, Aug. 8, p. 83. 

5 Garfield's Works (Hinsdale ed.), II, 34. 

6 Taylor and Scudder, Taylor, II, 595. R. C. Winthrop wrote, Aug. 
16, "The canvass thus far strikes me as the most disgusting one in 
American history." Winthrop, Winthrop, 279. 

7 Wheeler, "President- Making" in Lakeside Monthly, March, p. 242. 

8 Reid to Sumner, May 16, Sumner MSS. 



152 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

of other considerations. 9 The New York Times, the leading 
administration organ in the East, under the editorship of 
Louis Jennings, then as always a British citizen, resorted 
to personal abuse and a perversion of facts to a degree that 
with fair-minded readers should have tended in great meas- 
ure to destroy the reputation for probity which it had gained 
the previous year in the crusade against the ring. 10 No- 
thing better can be said for the tactics of the leading Dem- 
ocratic journals like the New York World and the Wash- 
ington Patriot. The minor organs all over the country, 
while not so skillfully libelous and vituperative, tried hard to 
make up for it by greater violence of expression. 11 The 
New York Herald, which in its exclusive r61e of sensational 
journalism could afford to keep aloof from strict party alle- 
giance, declared that the abusive journalism of 1872 closely 
resembled that of thirty years earlier, caricatured by Dick- 
ens in Martin Chuzzlewit. 12 A considerable number of re- 
ligious papers took an active part in the canvass, usually in 
support of the Republican ticket, often with as great zeal 
and as blind partisanship as the regular organs. 13 There 

9 For a criticism of the Tribune's policy, see Nation, July 25, p. 50. 

10 See editorial, "A Crime in Journalism," in Springfield Weekly 
Republican, Aug. 2. 

11 This is borne out by an examination of a considerable number of 
such papers. The Maryland Union's reference to the President (July 
18) as "that ambitious and utterly depraved horse-jockey who now 
oscillates between the White House and Long Branch" would be hard 
to beat in abusive political journalism. 

12 N. Y. Herald, Sept. 20. 

13 For a good summary of the position of the religious press in the 
campaign, see Central Presbyterian, Oct. 9. For examples of such support 
of Grant, see editorials in Christian Union, May 15, June 12, July 10; 
Independent, passim; Advance, Oct. 31; Christian Adcovate, Aug. 1, 8, 
Nov. 14; Ziorts Herald, quoted in Madison Democrat, May 13. Certain 
regular Republican organs made much of the support of Grant by the 
religious press, see Milwaukee Sentinel, May 28, Oct. 22; Kan. Com- 
monwealth, June 30. Tilton's Golden Age was the leading religious paper 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 53 

was a large output of campaign pamphlets attacking candi- 
dates with more or less humorous burlesque, or with still 
more humorous pretensions at historical discussion. 14 

The pencil of the cartoonist was employed as never before 
in a national campaign to supplement the pen of the political 
writer. The celebrated Thomas Nast in Harper's Weekly, 
in his zeal to please flattering administration leaders, 15 dis- 
torted the physiques and morals of the prominent Liberals 
and Democrats with an indiscrimination that called forth 
earnest but vain protests from the editor. 16 Matt Morgan, 
late of the Tomahawk, whom Leslie brought from England to 
rival Nast, 17 while less artistic and pointed, was even more 
brutal and malignant in his caricatures of the President and 
his advisers. 18 

Campaign oratory as usual was supplied in great abun- 
dance. The administration rallied all of its forces for the 
contest. The senatorial clique were constantly in the front 
rank and members of the cabinet saw much active service. 19 
Speaker Blaine, after securing his own state in September, 
moved on to the western battle-field. 20 Henry Wilson as 
vice-presidential candidate, with his long political experience 
and qualities of popular appeal, was a most active and effect- 
supporting Greeley. The N. Y. Herald (Aug. 18) said of its attitude in 
the campaign: "The Golden Age is mild in religion, but balances it by 
being fiercely political.' ' 

14 See, for instance, Chamberlain, Issues of 1872; Welch, That Con- 
vention; Budlong, President Greeley, etc.; Cross, Modern Ulysses. 

15 Paine, Nast, 221-227. 

16 Ibid., 216-218, 243, 244. 

17 Ibid., 227. 

18 Idem. See examples of Morgan cartoons in Leslie's Newspaper, 
May 4, July 13, Aug. 3, 17, Sept. 7, 14, 28. For contemporary criticism 
of Nast and Morgan, see "Greeley Among the Artists," in Nation, Nov. 
14, p. 310; Atlantic Monthly, May, 642 f; Christian Union, May 15. 

19 Conkling, Conkling, 435-448; Foulke, Morton, II, 255-268; De- 
troit Post and Tribune, Chandler, 312-316; Flower, Carpenter, 271 ff.; 
Ingersoll, Greeley, 563. 

20 Hamilton, Blaine, 274-276, 302; Ingersoll, 563. 



154 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

ive campaigner, lending strength to the party at some of its 
weakest points. 21 A great host of congressmen, state offi- 
cials, and lesser federal office-holders were at the command 
of the national committee. 

Colfax's attitude in the campaign was a matter of con- 
siderable interest and concern. The coalition press rep- 
resented that he was cherishing a grievance against the 
administration, and his failure to give any aid to the cause 
during the early canvass occasioned considerable anxiety 
among the Republican managers. Finally, in August, in re- 
sponse to urgent appeals from Senator Chandler, who rep- 
resented that the Vice-President's silence was being used 
to injure the ticket, he made a number of speeches in his 
state, but, in marked contrast to the usual personalities of 
this campaign, at all times refraining from attacks on his 
old friend Greeley. 22 

In accordance with the prevailing custom, the President 
took no active part in the canvass. " My judgment is" he 
wrote Conkling, "that it will be better that I should not attend 
any convention or political meeting during the campaign. It 
has been done, so far as I remember, by but two Presidential 
candidates heretofore, and both of them were public speakers, 
and both were beaten. I am no speaker, and don't want to 
be beaten." 23 The President's estimate of his weakness as 
a public speaker was not exaggerated, and the party lost 
nothing by his abstention. His brief attempts at speeches, 
made at non-political gatherings during the summer, as re- 
ported, 24 hardly made good sense, to say nothing of being 
effective. Most of the time was passed quietly at his sum- 
mer house in Long Branch. In a newspaper interview he 
asserted most characteristically that he had consented to 

21 Nason, Wilson, 410-413; Atlantic Monthly, Aug., p. 255. On 
Wilson's skill as a politician, Hoar, Autobiography, I, 218. 

22 Hollister, Colfax, 377, 378, 381. 

23 Grant to Conkling, July 15, Conkling, 435. 

24 See N. Y. World, Aug. 7; Chicago Tribune, Sept. 22. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 55 

run for a second time with reluctance, but that he had been 
so abused that he desired to see if the majority of the peo- 
ple were still with him, or if they credited his detractors 
and slanderers. 25 

The Liberal cause did not lack for able and distinguished 
defenders. Though many of the independents had left 
the Liberals after the Cincinnati convention, the coalition 
had the support of some of the best campaigners of the Re- 
publican party in years past, as well as practically all of the 
leading Democrats. Prominent senators like Schurz, Trum- 
bull, and Tipton, and old-time campaigners like Banks, Ju- 
lian, Doolittle, and McClure were certain of a large and 
attentive hearing. 26 

Summer was slow in giving public support to the coalition, 
though after his outburst against Grant there was no possi- 
bility of his acting with the Republicans. He went so far 
in private as to send Greeley suggestions concerning his 
letter of acceptance, 27 but failed for some time to pronounce 
himself openly. 28 Finally, on July 29, in response to a 
letter of inquiry from colored voters, he came out fully in 
support of Greeley. 29 Sumner's open defection, being that 
of one who had so personified the radical cause, was bitterly 
denounced by the Republicans 30 and received with corre- 
sponding satisfaction by the coalitionists. 31 "Mr. Sum- 
ner/' wrote Greeley, "you know that I thank you for your 

25 N. Y. Herald, Aug. 6. 

26 Cf. Ingersoll, 562. 

27 Ashley to Sumner, July 15, Sumner MSS. 

28 Early in July Sumner was strongly urged by coalition leaders to 
declare for Greeley. See Doolittle to Sumner, July 13, Sumner MSS. 
and C. A. Henland to Sumner, July 13, ibid. His colored friend, 
Frederick Douglass, in a letter on July 5, suggested that Sumner take 
no part in the campaign, ibid. 

29 Sumner's Works, XV, 175-195. 

30 Ibid., 196-201; N. Y. Times, Aug. 3; Sumner to Smith, Aug. 6, 7; 
Frothingham, Smith, 32J] Harper's Weekly, Aug. 17. 

31 Pierce, Sumner, IV, 531; N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 2, 5. 



I56 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

noble letter." 32 Sumner was now urgently besought both 
by Democratic and Liberal leaders to make at least a few 
speeches especially in the Maine canvass. 33 But owing to 
his enfeebled health and his impending departure for Europe, 
he confined his further efforts to an address which was given 
to the press late in August. 34 

The vice-presidential candidate of the coalitionists, in 
contrast to the administration's candidate, proved to be no 
help as a campaigner, but quite the opposite. Gratz Brown 
had made much trouble for the Liberals in the convention. 
In the campaign, in spite of his good union record and his 
prestige as an original Liberal governor, he proved a heavy 
drag on the ticket. Coming East in August to attend a 
class banquet at Yale, he made a speech in extremely bad 
taste in criticism of things eastern and ended up by getting 
intoxicated. 35 Brown's former intemperate habits were a 
matter of common knowledge and had been urged against 
his candidacy at Cincinnati. 36 The Springfield Republican 
now demanded that Brown be withdrawn from the ticket 
and a man like Groesbeck, Cox, Trumbull, or Hancock sub- 
stituted. 37 Brown promptly secured a testimonial from 
Missouri officials and other prominent citizens as to his good 
habits while governor, 38 but the mischief was done, from 
this time on his candidacy was never treated seriously by 
the administration press, and his supporters were placed 
constantly on the defensive. The stories of Grant's public 
intoxication, at once set afloat by the coalitionists, 39 appar- 

32 Greeley to Sumner, July 31, Sumner MSS. 

33 See letters from Allen, July 30; Doolittle, Aug. 2, 6; Sinclair, Aug. 
10; Schell, Aug. 10; White, Aug. 12; Lang, Aug. 20 in Sumner MSS. 

34 Sumner's Works, XV, 208-254; Pierce, IV, 534. 

35 Nation, Aug. 8, 22, pp. 82, 114. 

36 Springfield Weekly Republican, May 10, Aug. 2. 

37 Ibid., Aug. 2, 9. 

38 Ibid., Aug. 23. 

39 Ibid., Aug. 2; Winthrop, Winthrop, 280. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1872 157 

ently did not help matters for them, as charges had been 
made too indiscriminately against the President to give addi- 
tional ones, whether well founded or not, any weight with 
the public. 

Greeley met the demands of a most trying presidential 
candidacy surprisingly well. As has been seen, he acted 
in harmony with the most influential Democratic leaders, 
and, after a transient fit of impatience, with independents 
like Schurz. His overtrustfulness of political advisers, 40 
which would not unlikely have weakened his administration 
had he been elected, tended to prevent discord in the 
coalition organization. He was tireless in consultations 
and in attention to campaign details, maintaining a hopeful 
spirit which he seems to have been able to impart to those 
about him. 41 Greeley was not troubled by the conventional 
restraints imposed at this time upon presidential candidates. 
In August he made some non-political speeches in Rhode 
Island and in his native state of New Hampshire, followed by 
real political speeches in the Maine canvass. 42 The follow- 
ing month, when it was all too evident that the tide was set- 
ting against the Liberals, their candidate made a remarkable 
tour of the " October States," speaking in New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana, everywhere to 
large crowds. 43 On the whole, Greeley was a great success 
as a campaigner. His co-workers seem to have been highly 
elated at the powers he developed on the stump, 44 and the 
Liberal organs expressed unfeigned admiration. 45 More 

40 McClure, Old Time Notes, II, 338; White to Schurz, June 9, 
Schurz' s Writings, II, 382. 

41 Grinnell, Reminiscences, 225; Barnum, Recollections, 768. 

42 N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 13, 14, 16; Ingersoll, 564, 645-650. 

43 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 19-30; Ingersoll, 565-571, 650-664. 

44 Zabriski, Greeley, 292; Grinnell, 225; Watterson, "Humor and 
Tragedy of the Greeley Campaign," 42; Halstead, "Horace Greeley" 
in Cosmopolitan, VIII, 465. 

45 Springfield Weekly Republican, Sept. 27; Chicago Tribune, Sept. 27. 



I58 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

impartial observers also paid tribute to Greeley's campaign 
oratory. 46 The administration press was, of course, greatly 
concerned at the impropriety of a presidential candidate's 
traveling about the country speaking in his own behalf, and 
likened Greeley's tour to Johnson's "swing around the 
circle." 47 The ultra-conservative New Englander, Robert 
C. Winthrop, thus voiced his disgust: "Greeley travels 
about in his white coat like the Candidate in the worst of 
old Roman days, soliciting votes for himself and playing hum- 
ble to the multitude, in a style never before exhibited by a 
Presidential aspirant. It is loathsome beyond expression 
to any one who respects or loves his country." 48 But im- 
proper or not, there was no question of the eagerness of the 
people to see and hear the famous editor of the Tribune. 
The demonstrations with which the Liberal candidate was 
received all along his route were so pronounced as to create 
some uneasiness at Republican headquarters, even at a time 
when Grant's reelection had seemed assured. 49 

A novel feature introduced into the campaign speaking 
was that of women campaigners. The woman's movement 
was decidedly aggressive this year, representatives of the 
Equal Rights Association attending the different national 
conventions with the purpose of getting their cause en- 
dorsed. The Cincinnati and Baltimore conventions refused 
to recognize the issue, but the Republicans expressed their 
sympathy in a rather non-committal plank. For this 
action, and because Grant had appointed postmistresses 
and Wilson was an avowed sympathizer with the cause, the 

46 N. Y. Herald, Sept. 23, 29; Joseph Choate quoted by Reid, in 
Century, LXXXV, 44. 

47 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Sept. 24; Atlantic Monthly, Nov., 
P. 639. 

48 Winthrop to , Aug. 16, Winthrop, 279. 

49 Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, II, 534. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 59 

Association gave its support to the Republican ticket. 50 
The leaders of the Association received a small subsidy from 
the Republican national committee, and they held a num- 
ber of mass meetings, addressed by their most persuasive 
speakers. 51 To offset this unusual campaign attraction, 
women orators were also secured for the Liberal cause. 52 

In the work of all these various classes of campaigners 
there was little appeal to reason and intelligence ; the cam- 
paign was in no sense one of ''education. " Constant efforts 
were made to arouse passion and prejudice and both sides 
resorted to about all the tricks known to American politics 
for misleading and confusing the average voter. 

The writings and speeches of the campaign abounded in 
" charges, " — "libellous accusations brought against the 
candidates of the opposite party." 53 The extended list of 
Grant's short-comings in Sumner's " Philippic " furnished a 
convenient summary which was freely augmented and embel- 
lished by the coalitionist editors and speakers; and Greeley's 
erratic policies and personal eccentricities furnished an easy 
mark for the denunciation and ridicule of his opponents. 
It is profitless to perpetuate the reckless criminations and 
recriminations that were exchanged between the rival camps, 
but suffice it to say that the President was a corrupt, de- 
bauched tyrant, 54 and that Greeley was everything discredi- 
table from a near traitor to a complete fool. 55 The lesser 

50 Harper, Anthony, I, 415-419; Stanton and others, Hist, of Woman 
Suffrage, II, 517-520. 

51 Harper, I, 420-422; Golden Age, Oct. 12; Stanton, History of Wo- 
man Suffrage, 520. 

52 See, for instance, N. Y. Tribune, Oct. 26. 

53 Ostrogorski, Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties, II, 

337- 

54 N. Y. World editorials, July 18, Aug. 7, 19; Chicago Tribune, July 
29; Cross, Modern Ulysses; Garland, Grant, 417; Spirit of the Times, 
June 1. 

65 N. Y. Times in nearly every issue through the campaign; Kan. 
Commonwealth, Aug. 18; Chamberlain, Issues of 1872; Budlong, Pres- 



160 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

candidates were disposed of indiscriminately, when no more 
specific personal accusations were at hand, as respectively 
"feeders at the public crib" and "soreheads." A favorite 
form of personal argument was that furnished by a contrast 
of the characters and careers of the rival candidates for pres- 
ident. Viewed from the one side, Greeley was "the man 
of the pen . . . the genius of peace," the champion of 
reform and the reconciler of the North and South, while 
Grant was "the man of the sword . . . the genius of 
war," the instigator of a military rule and of administrative 
corruption and the oppressor of the South. 56 From the other 
side appeared Grant, the man of action, the savior of the 
union, and the steady and efficient administrator towering 
above Greeley, the mere theorist with all sorts of imprac- 
ticable and revolutionary ideas, unstable in a crisis, and 
subject to the influence of unscrupulous, designing friends. 57 
From the long-standing factional fights that had given 
rise to the Liberal bolt in many of the states, the inter- 
changes of personal abuse in the local canvasses seem to have 
been, if anything, still more numerous and bitter than in the 
national. 58 

ident Greeley, etc.; Conkling's New York speech, N. Y. Tribune, July 24. 
See a summary of some of the most extreme "charges" against Greeley 
in the editorial "Does Calumny Pay?" in N. Y. Tribune, Nov. 22. 
Everett P. Wheeler says that he and many other Democrats finally 
voted for Greeley as a protest against the abuse with which he was 
assailed. Sixty Years of American Life, 97. 

56 Ward, Ward, 289 f.; Schurz's Writings, II, 429-435; Sumner, 
Works, XV, 21 1-2 13; Nat. Quart. Rev., June, pp. 105 ff.; Chicago 
Tribune, June 6, July 18. N. Y. World, Oct. 28; B. F. Perry's article 
in Greenville Enterprise, July 10; Spirit of the Times, Aug. 24; N. Y. Sun, 
quoted in People's Tribune, May 29. 

67 Old and New, Sept., pp. 257 ff.; North Am. Rev., Oct., pp. 416 ff.; 
Booth, Speeches, 153; Adams, Storrs, 259-278; Conkling's New York 
speech, July 23. N. Y. Times, July 24 and in Conkling, Conkling, 436 
ff.; Harper's Weekly, Aug. 24; Mo. Democrat, July 3. 

58 See Julian, Pol. Recollections, 342 f.; Dilla, Politics of Mich., 144; 
Foulke, II, 257-264; Watkins, Neb., Ill, 127; Callahan, W. Fa., 241; 
Herrick, Phelps, 39; Clay, Memoirs, I, 275 f. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 l6l 

To attract the unreasoning voter there was a resort to 
" hoopla' ' campaigning. The coalitionists sought to take 
advantage of the personal emphasis in the campaign and 
carry their candidate safely through on a wave of popular 
excitement. It was freely predicted that the campaign would 
be another one of song and laughter, in which Greeley's white 
hat and coat would take the place of the log cabin. 59 The 
paraphernalia for such a demonstration was abundantly pro- 
vided and the Republicans responded with counter demon- 
strations. Lampooning campaign songs were furnished by 
both sides in unlimited number. 60 Greeley hats and other 
distinctive campaign insignia were much in evidence. 61 
Hilarious mass-meetings with parades in which strongly- 
phrased transparencies bore a conspicuous part were made 
to appeal to the voter's emotions and prejudices. 62 Cam- 
paign clubs were especially numerous, the formation of such 
organizations being constantly reported by both parties as 

59 N. Y. Herald, May 5, 6; Chicago Tribune, May 12; Cincinnati 
Commercial, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, May 7. 

60 " A Singing Campaign" in Nation, Oct. 10, pp. 231 ff.; N. Y. 
Herald, July 29, Aug. 2; Chicago Tribune, July 9, Piatt, Autobiography, 
64 f.; Mo. Democrat, Aug. 7, 9, 25, 28, Sept. 11 

61 Andrews, Own Time, 74. Enthusiastic Greeley supporters donned 
white hats at Cincinnati immediately after the nomination. N. Y. 
Tribune, May 6. 

62 The following were some of the legends appearing on the trans- 
parencies at a mass meeting in Richmond: "The Farmer of Chappaqua 
in Nov. next will ditch our lands and drain off the carpet-baggers." 
"Dr. Greeley our over-seer for the next four years — hog and hominy 
plenty then." . . . "We go for a wood chopper in preference to a 
horse jockey." "The country wants grubbing. Farmer Greeley 
slings a healthy axe," — and the never-failing slogan — "The pen is 
mightier than the sword." Richmond Whig and Advertiser, June 28. 
See also the account of a Democratic-Liberal mass meeting at Jefferson 
City, Mo. in People's Tribune, Oct. 9. 



1 62 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

a convincing proof of healthy activity. 63 "Chappaqua 
Farmers," " Wood-Choppers/ ' " Liberal Guards, " and 
"Greeley Veterans" were opposed by "Tanners Clubs" 
and "Grant Invincibles," and "Ida Greeley Grays" vied 
with "Nelly Grant Blues." In a campaign turning mainly 
on the picturesque qualities of the rival candidates, the Lib- 
erals would unquestionably have had a great advantage, 
but, as some of the un-excitable journals pointed out, the 
day of hard-cider campaigns was long passed. 64 

The attempts of both parties to set off a "bomb shell" 
during the campaign were equally ineffective. In July, a 
small Republican paper in southern New York brought for- 
ward the so-called Carmichael letters to prove that Greeley 
had been a party to some sort of bargain with the Democra- 
tic leaders prior to his nomination. 65 The story, with all 
sorts of exaggerated interpretations, was copied by admin- 
istration papers from one end of the country to the other, 66 
while it was characterized by the coalition press as merely 
another "Roorback." For a time the story seems to 
have made some impression, but failure to back it up with 
documentary proof soon caused it to fall flat. 67 In the 
Credit Mobilier affair the coalitionists might have exploited 
a real live scandal if they could have fully laid bare the facts. 

63 Chicago Tribune, July 8, 9, 15, 18; passim; N. Y. Tribune, May 20; 
N. Y. Times, Aug. 8, 15; Richmond Whig and Advertiser, June 14, Sept. 
23; Kan. Commonwealth, July 21, Aug. 18; San Francisco Evening 
Bulletin, July 24, 25, 26; Oct. 24, 25. For an account of the formation 
of a club in this campaign which had a permanent existence, see Wight, 
Payne, 24. 

64 Nation, May 30, p. 345; Evening Post, June 7. 

65 See summary of the charges in Evening Post, July 19. The paper 
making the "exposure" was the Binghamton Republican. 

66 See Albany Evening Journal, July 10-29; Boston Advertiser, July 
18, 24; Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, July 26; Wis. Weekly State 
Journal, July 30; St. Paul Weekly Press, Aug. 1; Kan. Commonwealth, 
July 9; Minneapolis Evening News, July 17, 25. 

67 Springfield Weekly Republican, Aug. 2. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 63 

Letters appearing to implicate prominent Republicans 
in bribery were published in the New York Sun early in 
September, 68 and considerable prominence was given to the 
charges by the Democratic-Liberal press during the remain- 
der of the campaign. 69 But too many groundless charges 
were afloat and the Sun in particular had " cried wolf " too 
often to have the public very deeply impressed by a new ex- 
posure from that source. 70 Leading Liberal papers even 
expressed doubt at first as to the authenticity of the letters. 71 
The accused persons denied promptly and emphatically all 
connection with the enterprise, in a way which served very 
nicely the purposes of the campaign, but occasioned some 
of them no little embarrassment in the subsequent congres- 
sional investigation. 72 But the charges as made by the coali- 
tion press were far from exact. Prominent Democrats as 
well as Republicans later proved to be implicated. 

Racial interests and prejudices were appealed to in 
this campaign to a most unfortunate extent. The negro 
voter, as a new and uncertain element in national politics, 
was the subject of unusual solicitude, getting more recogni- 
tion than he has ever had since. Both parties made direct 
and earnest appeals for the race's support. Speakers for 
the radical cause reminded them of their great debt to the 
Republican party for freedom and political and civil rights, 
and warned them that the triumph of Greeley and the Dem- 

68 Reprinted in N. Y. World, Sept. 6; N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 7. 

69 N. Y. World, and N. Y. Tribune, Sept.-Oct. passim; Washington 
Patriot, Sept. 17, 23; Chicago Tribune, Sept. 7, 9, 12, 14. See on the 
efforts of Liberal papers to get the facts of this case, Townsend, Wash- 
ington, Outside and Inside, 401 ff. See Greeley's discussion of the ex- 
posure in his Indianapolis speech, Sept. 23, N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 24. 

70 Cf. Nation, Sept. 26, p. 194. 

71 Springfield Weekly Republican, Sept. 6. The N. Y. Tribune in 
reprinting the charges from the Sun (Sept. 7) said editorially that they 
published them "with all possible reserve." 

72 Crawford, Credit Mobilier, inf.; Hollister, 384; Hamilton, Blaine, 
276-287. 



1 64 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

ocrats would mean the overthrow of the war amendments 
and the inauguration of a racial conflict in which the negroes 
would be at the mercy of the Ku Klux. 73 This augument 
was summed up by Douglass in the striking figure: "The 
Republican party is the ship and all else is the sea." 74 
Shortly before the election, the Republican congressional 
campaign committee issued a circular to the southern ne- 
groes, urging them to go to the polls and offer their votes 
and, if they were interfered with in any way, to take the 
names of their assailants and justice would be meted out 
later by the Republican Congress and administration. 75 
The coalitionists, on their side, appealed to the negro voter 
to support their cause out of gratitude for the great services 
of Greeley and Sumner to their race. 76 Grant was accused 
of slighting their people at home and insulting them abroad 
in his dealings with Hayti. 77 

The race, as such, took a prominent part in the campaign. 
In April a colored national convention for the purpose of 
considering the best interests of the negroes had met at New 
Orleans with representatives from fourteen states. There 
was a considerable sentiment in this gathering for following 
Sumner and Greeley into the Liberal organization, but, 
largely through the influence of their chairman, Frederick 
Douglass, they endorsed the administration and pledged 
support to the nominees of the Philadelphia convention. 78 
The Cincinnati convention had a considerable number of 

73 N. Y. Herald, Aug. 16; N. Y. Tribune, July 18, 23, 25, Aug. 1 (re- 
ports of campaign speeches in N. C. and Va.). 

74 Washington, Douglass, 286; Harper's Weekly (editorial), June 22. 

75 N. Y. Herald, Oct. 29. 

76 Richmond Whig and Advertiser, Sept. 3; Greenville Enterprise, July 10; 
N. Y. Herald, July 28 (report of N. C. campaign); Harrell, Brooks and 
Baxter War, 133; Sumner's Works, XV, 177. 

77 Sumner's Works, XV, 178; N. Y. Herald, Aug. 16 (report of Cooper 
Institute negro debate). 

78 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 775; New Orleans Republican, Apr. 
11-13; Douglass, Life and Times, 507 f. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 65 

colored delegates from the South. 79 The Republican con- 
vention boasted nearly one hundred negro members, who 
were shown all respect and accorded a patient hearing when 
they desired to express their sentiments. 80 A colored na- 
tional Liberal convention was held at Louisville in September 
and the coalition candidates and platform were formally en- 
dorsed and a national executive committee appointed. 81 
Both parties had colored speakers and the activities of negro 
state and city organizations and the position of negro papers 
were reported from various parts of the country. 82 No less 
than fifteen colored candidates were put in nomination for 
state offices in the South, in all cases but one by the Repub- 
licans. 83 Frederick Douglass, the most conspicuous represen- 
tative of his race, was accorded the high honor of heading 
the Republican electoral ticket in New York, and subse- 
quently of acting as messenger to carry his state's vote to 
Washington. 84 After the election, it was reported that a 
serious effort was being made to secure a cabinet position for 
a colored leader. 85 All in all, as the Springfield Republican 
put it, " Sambo' ' was " trumps in politics this year." 86 

79 N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 26, 30, May 3. 

80 Springfield Weekly Republican, June 14; Nation, June 13, p. 387. 

81 N. Y. Herald, Sept. 27. The N. Y. Herald said of a joint debate 
between colored orators at Cooper Institute in August: " Throughout 
the proceedings there was a display of ignorance, bigotry, and ruffianism 
revolting to those who have been taught to believe that the ballot is the 
palladium of our liberties." N. Y. Herald, Aug. 17. See the issue of 
Aug. 16 for a full account of this meeting, and also the comment by the 
Liberal participant in Saunders to Sumner, Aug. 20, Sumner MSS. 

82 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, pp. 497, 783; N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 29; 
San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Aug. 12, 13; Hamilton, "The Election 
of 1872 in North Carolina," in South Atlantic Quart., XI, 151; Saunders 
to Sumner, Aug. 20, 1872, Sumner MSS. 

83 The negro candidates were in Ark., La., and S. C. Annual Cyclopedia, 
1872, pp. 25, 481, 736, 737; Harrell, Brooks and Baxter War, 140. A 
negro was nominated as a Republican elector in Maryland, but later 
withdrew to support Greeley. Maryland Union, May 9, July 18. 

84 Douglass, 508 f. 

85 Springfield Weekly Republican, Nov. 15. 

86 Ibid., June 14. 



1 66 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Shamelessly open bids were made for the support of other 
racial elements. The coalitionists represented that Henry 
Wilson's former Know Nothing connection was clear evi- 
dence of his hostility to all foreign-born citizens. 87 Greeley's 
life-long friendliness to the Irish was counted upon to give 
the bulk of that vote to the Liberal candidate. 88 But the 
Germans were the race most appealed to by both sides. 
This element, as previously noted, had in large numbers 
been alienated from the administration and had regarded 
with much favor the new independent reform movement. 
Greeley, however, with his views on sumptuary legislation 
and on the tariff, was most objectionable to many Germans, 
who found Grant, with all his short-comings, a preferable 
candidate. 89 An unfortunately large emphasis in the can- 
vass was given by both sides to the attitude of the Germans 
as a distinct element in the population. 90 

87 N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 21, 22, 26, 31, Sept. 2; Chicago Tribune, July 
20. For Wilson's reply, see Nason, 413. An army order issued by 
Grant excluding Jewish traders was used to prejudice that race against 
the President. N. Y. World, Aug. 7; Washington Patriot, Aug. 24; 
Leslie's Newspaper, Oct. 19. 

88 Leslie's Newspaper, Aug. 24. 

89 See above, p. 108. Greeley wrote to Schurz, May 8: "Of course 
the most of the Germans dislike me, not so much that I am a Protec- 
tionist as that I am a Total Abstinence man. They will not vote for 
me so generally as they would have voted for Adams or Trumbull/' 
Bancroft- Dunning, Schurz 1 s Political Career, 350. 

90 In the Baltimore convention Governor Hoffman dramatically 
presented what purported to be the "manifesto" of 15,000 New York 
Germans calling for Greeley's endorsement, N. Y. Tribune, July n; 
Proceedings Bait. Con., 56. A "German National Convention," repre- 
senting twenty-four states and under the auspices of certain German- 
American Associations was held in New York City, Oct. 24, at which 
resolutions were adopted condemning the coalition and pledging their 
best efforts to elect Grant and Wilson. N. Y. Herald, Oct. 25. Schurz 
addressed large German mass meetings in Chicago and New York, N. Y. 
Tribune, Aug. 12, Oct. 2. See also references to the German vote in 
Illinois in Hay's letters to Reid, Aug. 1, 4, Thayer, Hay, I, 344 f. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 67 

Still more reprehensible than the racial appeals were those 
made to sectarian prejudice. The most marked appeal of 
this sort was in the state canvass in New York where the 
Catholic connection of the coalition candidate for gov- 
ernor raised a storm of bigoted opposition from administra- 
tion organs, both secular and religious. 91 The anti-Catholic 
argument was later used to some extent against the national 
Liberal ticket in different parts of the country. 92 Of all the 
travesties on reasonable and honorable political delibera- 
tions which this campaign presented, this was the most 
disgraceful. 

In the presentation of the more definite and formal cam- 
paign arguments, it was inevitable, after the over-running 
of the Liberal ranks by the politicians and the consequent 
personal trend of the canvass, that reforms which had been 
foremost considerations with the organizers of the Liberal 
movement should be largely subordinated. Thus in the 
cases of two of the chief reforms, those of the tariff and the 
civil service, the non-committal plank and the nomination 
of the leading champion of protection had largely destroyed 
the one and Greeley's political associations rendered him a 
most inappropriate exponent of the other. 93 But there was 
some pretense that the movement was still continuing in the 
direction of these reforms. Soon after the convention, Gree- 
ley pledged himself, in accordance with his theory of con- 

91 See articles by Eugene Lawrence and Nast cartoons bearing on this 
issue in Harper's Weekly, Oct. 12, 26, Nov. 2; the (Chicago) Standard, 
Nov. 7; Christian Advocate, Sept. 19; N. Y. World, Sept. 9, 16, Nov. 4; 
N. Y. Times, Sept. 9; N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 30; Hay to Reid, Aug. 1, 
Thayer, I, 343. 

92 See, for instance, editorial referring to sectarian opposition to 
Greeley in Madison Democrat, Oct. 22. 

93 Cf. Atlantic Monthly, Oct., p. 510. The Nation said of the civil 
service issue (Aug. 15, p. 100): "Although the opposition to Grant has 
largely drawn its ammunition from the record of his shortcomings with 
regard to the civil service, civil-service reform is hardly mentioned in 
the Greeley canvass." 



1 68 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

gressional determination, to sign a free-trade measure if one 
were passed, 94 and his supporters defended this disposal of 
the question as the best possible at the time. 95 Even the 
free-trade World could find reasons for supporting Greeley 
in preference*to Grant on this issue. 96 But the contradic- 
tory position in which the coalition was placed on the tariff 
issue was humorously evinced by the appeal made to the 
manufacturers by a leading Democratic paper of the North 
West to support Greeley on the ground that he had faith- 
fully championed their cause for forty years. 97 

An anti-monopoly argument in which the opposition 
could attack the administration more effectively was that 
regarding abuses in the public land grants. The Republi- 
can policy in the matter was arraigned in a manner which 
should have appealed strongly to the western farmer in this 
period of discontent. 98 

Civil service auguments consisted largely of a denuncia- 
tion of patronage abuses under Grant, which, bad enough at 
best, were magnified to the fullest extent and portrayed in 
the darkest colors. 99 As an escape from such intolerable 
conditions competent sponsors, like Schurz, professed to have 
confidence in a real reform of the service under Greeley. 100 
But the failure of the Liberal candidate to take any especial 

94 Interview in N. Y. Sun, quoted in Memorial to Greeley, 227. See 
also Greeley's emphatic declaration to the same effect in his speech at 
Easton, Pa., Sept. 28. Quoted in White, Trumbull, 401. 

95 See, for instance, Milwaukee News, Mar. 20 (commending Greeley's 
position before the convention); Springfield Weekly Republican, June 
28; Ward, Ward, 259; Pelzer, Dodge, 251; Schurz 1 s Writings, II, 433. 

96 N. Y. World, July 23. 

97 Milwaukee News, Sept. 15. 

98 Julian, Later Speeches, 24; Pelzer, 251. 

99 Spencer, Bayard, 167-173; White, 395-399. 

100 Schurz 1 s Writings, II, 434 f. Schurz had had correspondence with 
Greeley on this subject (a portion of which he read in the speech just 
cited) and had been otherwise assured of the Liberal candidate's good 
intentions toward the civil service. See ibid., 372, 382-383, 385-386, 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 69 

interest in this reform in the past (although a specialist in 
promoting reforms which gained his interest) and his close 
association in party organization with some of the most dis- 
creditable spoilsmen of his day 101 lent strength to the con- 
tention of the President's defenders that Greeley's accession 
to the presidency would give free rein to a new wholesale 
spoils system. 102 

The administrationists took the offensive in pushing to 
the front the financial issue. Full credit was taken to their 
party in this field for the steady payment of the national 
debt, the maintenance of good credit, and the fall in the gold 
premium, with an honest, efficient and economical adminis- 
tration making possible a reduction of taxes. 103 The time- 
honored prosperity argument was much played upon. The 
country had never been more prosperous, it was claimed: 
there were few failures, credit was good, and everything was 
booming, — "the hum of prosperous industry rises from 
every section and mercantile confidence reigns supreme." 104 
The Republican party was, of course, mainly responsible for 
all these blessings. "And I do say," declared John A. 
Logan, after a panegyric on the material greatness of the 
United States, "that you never saw such rapid progress and 
development until the Republican party came into power. 
. . . In voting for Grant you vote for prosperity, for 
peace, for civilization, for Christianity, for the grandest glory 
that ever shone around a republic in the history of the 

391-392. George Wilkes, in his Spirit of the Times , gave chief emphasis 
to the " One-Term Principle" throughout the canvass, and blamed the 
coalition leaders for not giving more attention to this issue. 

101 In his correspondence with Schurz (letter of July 8) Greeley 
warmly defended his political associates. Ibid. f II, 390. 

102 North Am. Rev., Oct., p. 419; Nation, Aug. 15, p. 100; Harper's 
Weekly, Sept. 7. 

103 Conkling's speech, July 23, N. Y. Tribune, July 24; Garfield's 
Works, II, 38; Williams, Hayes, I, 369 f.; Old and New, Oct. pp. 385 f.; 
Boutwell's speech, July 17, Nation, July 25, pp. 49 f. 

104 North Am. Rev., Oct., p. 417. 



170 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

world." 105 With another four years of " Grant's steady 
hand on the helm," an enthusiastic organ predicted, the 
country would " reach a development unparalleled in mod- 
ern times." 106 But all of this unparalleled prosperity would 
be threatened, argued the Republicans, if the Democratic- 
Liberal combination secured control. 107 Greeley's erratic 
utterances on the conduct of the national finances were all 
carefully analyzed, and the conclusion was reached that he 
would seek to put them all in practice simultaneously. 
There was also, they feared, a grave danger from Democratic 
influence of a repudiation of the national debt. 108 Business 
interests were held to be alarmed at the mere possibility of 
the success of such reckless financiers, and the attitude of 
leading capitalists did show unmistakably that their sympa- 
thies were with the administration. Lest there should still 
be any doubt as to the position of "the interests" in the 
campaign, a circular was issued on October 16, in New York 
City, signed by some of the most prominent capitalists and 
business firms in the metropolis, calling attention to the ap- 
preciable reduction of the public debt as well as in taxation 
during the past four years and concluding with this strong 
testimonial for the President: "A careful consideration of 
these results of prudent and faithful administration of the 
National Treasury induce the undersigned to express the 
confident belief that the general welfare of the country, the 
interests of its commerce and trade, and the consequent 
stability of its public securities, would be best promoted by 

105 Dawson, Logan, 205 f. Cf. for similar expressions, Foulke, II, 
267 f.; Martyn, Dodge, 282. 

106 Milwaukee Weekly Sentinel, Sept. 3. 

107 A Republican campaign speaker at Easton, Pa. predicted that if 
Greeley was elected all the furnace fires in the Lehigh Valley would soon 
be extinguished. Quoted in White, 401. 

108 Conkling's speech, N. Y. Tribune, July 24; Williams, I, 373; North 
Am. Rev., Oct., p. 419 f.; Old and New, Oct., p. 388; Minneapolis Eve- 
ning News, June 24. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 171 

the reelection of General Grant to the office of President of 
the United States." 109 

The coalitionists did their best to extricate themselves 
from their discredited position on this issue. Financial dis- 
turbances were denounced as tricks of Wall Street, aided by 
the Treasury Department, to deceive the unwary voter. 110 
The World held that Greeley had always been such a pro- 
nounced friend of capitalist and monopoly interests that it 
could not support him now if it were not for his pledge to 
leave these policies to congressional determination. 111 In his 
speeches in September, Greeley devoted much effort to ex- 
plaining away the charges concerning his financial vagaries. 
In his remarks before the Cincinnati chamber of commerce 
and the Indianapolis board of trade he discussed current 
financial problems with a soundness and conservatism suited 
to reassure the most careful financier. 112 Other Liberal 
speakers strongly defended their candidate's financial or- 
thodoxy, 113 and in their turn attacked the administration's 
financial policies. 114 But however many weaknesses might 
be exposed in the existing system, it was hard to overcome 
the arguments of big crops and the "full dinner pail." 

In appealing to the labor vote the Greeley men were on 
much safer ground. Their candidate had been a life-long 
friend of the labor interest, and a pioneer champion of labor 

109 N. Y. Times, Oct. 16; Clews, Twenty Eight Years of Wall Street, 
325-326. 

110 Milwaukee News, Aug. 16. 

111 N. Y. World, Aug. 9. 

m N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 23, 27. See editorial comments in N. Y. 
World, Sept. 23; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 23; Nation, Sept. 26, p. 194. 

113 See Banks' speech at Portland, Sept. 1, N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 2. It 
was reported that Banks was to address the capitalists of the city from 
the steps of the Exchange in New York about August 20, but there is no 
report in the newspapers of such a meeting. See N, Y. Tribune, Aug. 
12; Nation, Aug. 15, p. 97. 

114 For instance, Senator Fenton's speech at Albany, July 18, Argus, 
July 19. 



172 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

organization. 115 The vote of this element, with the failure 
of their party to put a separate ticket in the field, was con- 
sidered most doubtful, 116 and many direct appeals were made 
to it by both sides. Greeley was presented as a self-made 
man, always a hard worker himself and the true friend of 
other workers. The laborer must in gratitude, as well as 
in self-interest, support such a fellow- laborer and steadfast 
supporter. 117 In San Francisco opposition to the Chinese 
was utilized by the Liberal speakers as an argument for their 
ticket. 118 The Republicans, on their side, could boast no 
less a representative of labor than Henry Wilson, the "Na- 
tick Cobbler,' ' who in Congress had been a leading promoter 
of the eight-hour movement. 119 The characteristic argu- 
ment was made that in the critical conditions then existing 
between capital and labor, 120 the only safe course was in 
allowing the all-wise Republican party to investigate the 
question and secure laws that would afford justice to both 

115 Ingersoll, 444; Beveridge, "Horace Greeley and the Cause of 
Labor," at Greeley Anniversary of Typographical Union, No. 6; Com- 
mons, " Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the Republican 
Party," Political Science Quarterly, XXIV, 468 ff.; Parton, Greeley, 
290-292, 301-312. 

us Cf. N. Y. Herald, Aug. 9. 

117 Chicago Tribune, May 12, June 8; Milwaukee News, Nov. 5; 
Springfield Weekly Republican, Aug. 16; Cincinnati Commercial, quoted 
in N. Y. Tribune, May 11; San Francisco Evening Bulletin (reports of 
speeches) Sept. 12; Golden Age, May 11; New Orleans Republican, 
May 4, 17; Mo. Republican, Aug. 1; Ward, Ward, 267; O'Connor, 
O'Connor, 344. Henry George in his San Francisco Evening Post was 
an ardent supporter of Greeley. George, George, 239-240. For 
Greeley's discussion of his attitude toward labor in his campaign tour, 
see speech at Jefferson ville, Indiana, N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 24; Memorial 
to Greeley, 212 f. 

118 San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Sept. 12. 

119 Julian and Banks of the Liberals were also leading champions of 
this measure. See McNeill, Labor Movement, 130. 

120 This was the summer of the big strikes in New York City, ibid., 143. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 73 

sides. 121 The Republicans in their state platforms in certain 
cases also made a direct bid for the labor vote. 122 

But, as in the other two national campaigns of the recon- 
struction period, the war and its results furnished the chief 
lines of argument. Morton had declared in the Senate the 
year before that the great issue in '72 would be the mainte- 
nance of the results of the war, 123 and so moderate a partisan 
as George William Curtis wrote in June that Grant was pit- 
ted " against every kind of Democratic, rebellious, Ku Klux, 
discontented, hopeful, and unreasonable feeling." 124 The 
Republican leaders, seeing their administration on the de- 
fensive at so many points, resorted to the " bloody shirt" 
issue with a vengeance. Their speakers fought the war 
over at great length and in all its horrors. 125 Their party's 
great accomplishments in suppressing the rebellion and the 
necessity of its continuance in power were constantly em- 
phasized. Greeley was now denounced as an original seces- 
sionist in theory, and his attitude during war and reconstruc- 
tion was represented as decidedly favorable to the southern 
cause. 126 His conciliatory appeals to the South in his cam- 
paign speeches were interpreted by his opponents in the 
same way. He was seriously charged with a purpose to pen- 
sion southern soldiers, to pay the confederate debt, and to 

121 See editorial in Milwaukee Weekly Sentinel, June 18. 

m Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, pp. 656, 663; Dilla, 143. The Mass. 
Liberals also adopted a resolution strongly endorsing the cause of labor. 
Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 503. In Pennsylvania Buckalew agreed to 
be the candidate of the Labor Party for governor in case he received the 
Democratic nomination but he was defeated in the Labor convention by 
nine votes. Ibid., 665. 

m Foulke, II, 193. 

124 Curtis to Norton, June 30, Cary, Curtis, 230. 

125 See editorial on the Maine canvass in N. Y. Herald, Sept. 23. See 
also on this feature of the Republican canvass, Lakeside Monthly, Dec, 
p. 468. 

126 Foulke, II, 263; Flower, Carpenter, 271; Conkling's speech, N. Y. 
Tribune, July 24; Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Oct. 8; Kan. Com- 
monwealth, Aug. 18, Sept. 15; Dilla, 144. 



174 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

appoint to his cabinet confederate leaders like Raphael 
/^Semmes. 127 Radical papers and speakers, North and South, 
predicted, in the event of the election of the coalition ticket, 
the restoration to power of the rebel leaders with probable 
future attempts at secession and the certain undoing of much 
of the beneficent work of reconstruction. 1 ' 8 The Republicans 
sought also to utilize the war issue in a more positive manner, 
A convention of soldiers and sailors organized by General 
Burnside, more successful as a politician than as a soldier, 
met at Pittsburgh in September and passed resolutions 
endorsing the Republican platform and candidates. 129 A 
loyal eastern organ thought this gathering was "one of the 
largest and most imposing of the presidential year. " 13 ° 
Though apparently so fearful of former secessionists, when 
supporting Greeley, the Republicans welcomed to their own 
side influential leaders of that element. John A. Mosby, 
whose part in the war was not the least objectionable, was a 
leading worker for Grant in Virginia. 131 

In opposition to the Republican war argument, the coali- 
tionists put forward as their chief issue a plea for the recon- 

127 Springfield Weekly Republican, Aug. 16; N. Y. World, Aug. 12, 
Sept. 3 (replying to such charges); San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 
Oct. 14; Conkling's speech, N. Y. Tribune, July 24; N. Y. Times, July 
22, 25, 31, Aug. 12, 14, 30, 31. 

128 Flower, Carpenter, 273; Williams, I, 373; Mayes, Lamar, 172; 
Adams, Storrs, 286; Orcutt, Burrows, 137-143; Forbes to Sumner, Aug. 
10, Forbes, Letters, II, 178-183; North Am. Rev., Oct., pp. 420 ff.; Old 
and New, Sept., p. 373, Oct., pp. 381 ff.; Milwaukee Weekly Sentinel, 
Aug. 27; Wis. Weekly State Journal, Aug. 13; San Francisco Evening 
Bulletin, Oct. 15; Harper's Weekly, June 8, 29, July 20, Aug. 24, 31, 
Oct. 12, 19 and passim; Mo. Democrat, June 28; Minneapolis Evening 
News, June 10, 18, 25, July 20, Aug. 19. 

129 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 783; N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 18; N. Y. 
Times, Sept. 18, 19. A meeting of the Republican veterans of New 
York State was reported in October, Albany Evening Journal, Oct. 3. 

130 Boston Advertiser, Sept. 20. 

131 See Mosby, "Personal Recollections of General Grant," in Mun- 
sey's Magazine, XLIV, 762; Mosby's letter in N. Y. Times, May 25. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 75 

ciliation of the North and the South by the complete removal 
of disabilities and a union of both sections for common re- 
forms under the Liberal banner. The Liberal movement in 
its inception in the border states had sought primarily to 
oppose the radical reconstruction policy, and in his letter 
accepting the Cincinnati nomination Greeley made the har- 
monization of the sections the keynote of his candidacy: 
"I accept your nomination, in the confident trust that the 
masses of our countrymen North and South are eager to 
clasp hands across the bloody chasm which has too long 
divided them, forgetting that they have been enemies in the 
joyous consciousness that they are and must henceforth re- 
main brethren. " 13? As other reform issues proved to a great 
extent inexpedient 133 and the Republicans emphasized the 
disloyalty issue, the coalitionists adopted reconciliation as 
their great watch-word. 134 Greeley made this his central 
theme during his western trip, presenting his pleas for the 
burying of past differences with great effectiveness. 135 Other 
speakers for the Liberals forcefully contrasted the radical 
reconstruction policy with that for which their candidate 
stood. 136 This line of argument was emphasized especially 
in the South where the abuses of the carpet-bag rule, fos- 

132 Annual Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 778. Greeley wrote to Ignatius 
Donnelly, Aug. 29, that he wished "the canvass to turn on present 
rather than past issues." Donnelly MSS. 

133 "This was the one doctrine upon which the parties to the Alliance 
could most readily coalesce." Blaine, II, 531. 

134 See on the predominance of this issue, N. Y. World, July 13, Sept. 

26; Washington Patriot, July 13; Springfield Weekly Republican, Sept. J 
20; Golden Age, Oct. 12; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 30; Mo. Republican, Aug. i< 
3. The Liberal campaign pamphlet, "Mr. Greeley's Record on the 
Questions of Amnesty and Reconstruction from the Hour of Gen. Lee's 
Surrender," gives extracts from Greeley's editorials and speeches bear- 
ing on amnesty and reconciliation. 

135 See selections from his speeches in Ingersoll, 650-663; and N. F. 
Tribune, Sept. 19-30. 

136 Schurz's Writings, II, 395-401, 437-439; O'Connor, O'Connor, 
333-344; Spencer, Bayard, 202 fL; Ward, Ward, 259 ff., 275 f. 



I76 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

tered by a radical administration, were set over against the 
sympathetic and conciliatory attitude of the Liberal candi- 
date, ever since the close of the war, and the avowed aims of 
the Liberal party. 137 Some of the arguments that the radical 
campaigners in the North employed most frequently against 
Greeley were strongly urged in his favor at the South. 138 
The amnesty bill of May 22, 1872, passed evidently under 
pressure of the Liberal opposition, 139 leaving only a few hun- 
dred under disabilities, 140 considerably weakened the Liber- 
als' favorite issue. Their opponents held that the great 
weapon of the coalition was but a " spiked gun" 141 and they 
also charged that " reconciliation " was anyway but an acci- 
dental issue suggested by Greeley's happy phrase and that 
it had not been emphasized by the organizers of the move- 
ment. 142 But, considering the limited range of the policies 
upon which the coalitionists could unite heartily and the 

137 See Richmond Whig and Advertiser, June 28, Aug. 16, Sept. 3; 
Greenville Enterprise, May 15, 29, July 10, 31; Maryland Union, July 
25; N. Y. Herald, July 13, reporting speeches at mass meeting at 
Welden, N. C, July 12. During his speech at this meeting Senator 
Tipton of Nebraska shook hands with Senator Ransom as a symbol of 
the desire of the Liberals for reconciliation. 

138 See, for instance, quotations from old files of Tribune showing 
Greeley's attitude toward peaceful secession in Southern Recorder, May 
21. A constant radical charge against Greeley was his signing of Davis' 
bond. In Richmond the bond was lithographed for distribution as a 
Liberal campaign document, N. Y. World, May 23. 

139 Cf. editorial in Chicago Tribune, May 24; White, 359; N. Y. 
Herald editorial, May 24. 

140 Rhodes (VI, 329) on the authority of the N. Y. Tribune, says 
between three hundred and five hundred. Blaine II, 513 says "not 
exceeding seven hundred and fifty in all." Conkling in his New York 
speech, July 23, declared: "Every rebel votes, and every rebel may hold 
office now, except Jefferson Davis and less than two hundred others who 
still spurn forgiveness." N. Y. Times, July 24. 

141 See editorial in Kan. Commonwealth, May 24. Cf . Conkling's 
speech cited above. 

142 See editorials in Harper's Weekly, Oct. 12, and Cincinnati Semi- 
Weekly Gazette, Oct. 22. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 77 

growing dissatisfaction with the radical southern policy, the 
issue upon which Greeley and his supporters elected to rest 
their case was probably the strongest one available. 

During the early part of the canvass, before the first trial 
of strength, the advantage seemed to be with the coalition- 
ists. The apparently successful union of the two organiza- 
tions after the Democratic convention greatly increased the 
confidence of the Greeleyites. 143 Sumner's letter, late in 
July, was expected to win over many negroes and prominent 
anti-slavery men. 144 The administration leaders were for a 
time most apprehensive of the result. In July the Repub- 
lican national chairman sent urgent telegrams to the leader 
of the woman's movement to meet him in Washington for a 
conference and later informed her that the committee at the 
time had been " panic-stricken " over the outlook. 145 About 
the same time, R. B. Hayes admitted in the privacy of his 
diary: "I must say that I have just now a feeling that 
Greeley will be elected. " 146 M. R. Waite wrote from Switz- 
erland that he was beginning to feel " nervous about politics 
at home." 147 Another European sojourner, General Sher- 
man, thought that Grant would be reelected, " though 
several shrewd judges insist that Greeley will be our next 
President," 148 and his more politically-minded brother could 
give no better assurance than that the " whole canvass is 
so extraordinary, that no result can be anticipated." 149 

143 Shortly before the convention Chase expressed the opinion that not 
ten per cent of the Democrats would oppose Greeley while many 
Republicans would support him. Hooper to Sumner, July 2, Sumner 
MSS. See also Doolittle's optimistic letter to Sumner, July 13, ibid. 

144 Banks to Sumner, Aug. 2, ibid. 

145 Harper, I, 421. 

146 Entry of July 17. Williams, I, 368. 

147 Waite to Washburne, July 18, Washburne MSS. 

H8 \y. T. Sherman to J. Sherman, July 16, Sherman Letters, 337. 
149 J. Sherman to W. T. Sherman, Aug. 4, ibid., 339. See also on the 
supposed uncertainty of the result, Oberholtzer, Cooke, II, 353. 
13 



178 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

The North Carolina state election, coming on August 1, 
was considered a most significant trial of strength. Both 
sides put forth every effort to secure the moral advantage 
of a victory in this first contest. 150 The canvass was bitterly 
and vigorously carried on from start to finish. Both or- 
ganizations sent their strongest campaigners to the state, 
and the meetings were reported with great detail all over the 
country. 151 The first returns from the state election fa- 
vored the coalitionists and there was great jubilation in 
Democratic-Liberal circles. The election of their national 
ticket, they boasted, was now fully assured, the Republi- 
cans, by making such desperate efforts to carry the state, 
having shown that it was necessary for their success in No- 
vember. 152 These rejoicings proved to be premature and 
unwarranted as the final returns gave the state to the Repub- 
licans by a close but safe majority. 153 This election, em- 
phasized in the popular mind far beyond its real importance, 
was apparently the turning-point in the campaign. The 
fortunes of the coalition, steadily mounting up to this time, 
show a perceptible decline during the remainder of the 
canvass. 154 Republican confidence was greatly revived by 
their success in the first skirmish. Hayes now thought 
Grant's reelection quite certain, 155 and the President him- 

150 Nation, Aug. 1, p. 65; Greeley to Trumbull, July 5, Trumbull MSS. 

161 Hamilton, "Campaign of 1872 in North Carolina" in South 
Atlantic Quart. , XI, 148. 

162 N. Y. World, Aug. 2; N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 2; Mo. Republican, 
Aug. 2. The N. Y. Herald of the same date stated that if the apparent 
success of the opposition in North Carolina proved correct it would be 
generally regarded as settling the presidential contest. See also Hay to 
Reid, Aug. 4, Thayer, I, 345 f.; Trumbull to Donnelly, Aug. 3, Don- 
nelly MSS. 

163 Nation, Aug. 15, p. 97. 

154 Cf. Reid's comment on Watterson's article in Century Magazine, 
LXXXV, 44; N. F. Herald editorial, Aug. 25; Nation, Aug. 29, p. 129; 
Hudson, Random Recollections, 43-45. 

165 Williams, I, 368. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1872 1 79 

self would concede no northern state to his opponent. 156 
The shrewd Doctor Holmes, writing to Motley late in August, 
after protesting that his opinion was not " worth two cents," 
very accurately predicted that from this time on the move- 
ment for Greeley would be a "diminuendo" and that for 
Grant a "crescendo. 11157 

Nevertheless the result was still generally regarded as in 
doubt. The Atlantic Monthly in its September issue said: 
"The election is as doubtful as any that the present genera- 
tion of voters can remember. " 158 In the New York State 
Republican convention, on August 21, the strength of the 
coalition seemed so formidable 159 that a counterstroke was 
deemed advisable. Through the management of Thurlow 
Weed and Henry Clews, the venerable Democrat, General 
John A. Dix, was nominated for governor. 160 Dix consented 
to run only after the personal solicitation of the President. 161 

156 Grant to Washburne, Aug. 26, Grant, Letters to a Friend, 72. 

157 Morse, Holmes, II, 195. See also for the growing assurance of 
Grant's supporters, Rollins to Porter, Aug. 22, Lyford, Rollins, 289 f.; 

Luckey to Washburne, Aug. 30, Washburne MSS.; Winthrop to , 

Sept. 2, Winthrop, 280; Curtis to Norton, early Sept., Cary, 231; 
Young to Pryor, Sept. 16, Pryor, My Day, 352. 

158 Atlantic Monthly, Sept., p. 383. J. R. Doolittle wrote to Donnelly, 
August 23, "I look upon the Greeley election as a thing almost certain. " 
Donnelly MSS. 

159 E. D. Morgan, the Republican national chairman, wrote to Dix, 
Aug. 1: "I have on all proper occasions told our friends to nominate 
for Governor some one of the distinguished gentlemen known as Reform 
Democrats. I have believed that we can do better with such a 
nomination than with a Republican. ... I am anxious for the 
success of Grant and Wilson, and I am disposed to adopt such proper 
measures as will make success reasonably sure." Dix, Dix, II, 174. 

160 Clews, Twenty Eight Years of Wall Street, 297-303; Dix, II, 175; 
Barnes, Weed, 485; Nation, Aug. 29, p. 130. Dix had come out for 
Grant in July and had evidently been in close touch with Republican 
leaders for some time. See his letter in N. Y. Times, Aug. 4; Morgan 
to Dix, Aug. 1, Dix, II, 174. After his nomination the N. Y. Times 
referred to Dix as a "Democrat." See editorial, Aug. 22. 

161 Clews, 304 f. 



180 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

There was considerable uncertainty regarding New England 
owing to factional differences and the regard for Greeley in 
that section. 162 A report that Senator Wilson had conceded 
New Hampshire to the enemy was widely circulated. 163 

The next test, 164 however, in the " September States," 
Vermont and Maine, showed that the Republicans were at 
least maintaining their old strongholds. After active can- 
vasses, both their tickets secured decided majorities, 165 and 
the coalition organs in vain sought to explain away the real 
result. 166 

But the decisive struggle remained to be fought out in the 
"October States/' Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Neb- 
raska. The conditions in local politics seemed to give the 
coalitionists an excellent chance to retrieve themselves in 
these pivotal states. In Pennsylvania the Republican can- 
didate for governor was accused of complicity in frauds and 
a portion of the party, led by Forney and his Press, refused 
to support the ticket. 167 The defection of ex-Governor 
Curtin to the coalitionists in September, 168 after the admin- 
istration had vainly endeavored to keep his support, 169 was 
another hard blow to the state organization. Grant wrote 

162 Lyford, 280-292. 

163 Rollins to Porter, Aug. 22, ibid., 289 f. 

164 In the West Virginia state election, on August 22, both candidates 
for governor were Democrats, one running independently. Annual 
Cyclopedia, 1872, p. 801. 

165 Nation, Aug. 22, Sept. 5, 12, pp. 114, 145, 161 ; Dingley, Dinghy, 98. 

166 See N. Y. World, Sept. 10; Golden Age, Sept. 14; Spirit of the 
Times, Sept. 14. In a letter to a friend, Sept. 10, Greeley confessed: 
"Just now the skies look dark; a month hence they may be brighter; 
but in any case I shall be what I am, and shall have less care out of than 
in office." Benton, Greeley on Lincoln, etc., 229. 

167 McClure, II, 341-346; Chicago Tribune, June 13; Springfield 
Weekly Republican, Sept. 13; Nation, Apr. n, 18, pp. 234, 250, Oct. 3, 
pp. 209 f. Philadelphia Press, quoted in Washington Patriot, July 4. 

168 Nation, Sept. 26, p. 193. 

169 Randall to Sumner, Aug. 8, Sumner MSS.; Grant to Washburne, 
Aug. 26, Grant, Letters to a Friend, 71; McClure, II, 328. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1872 l8l 

that Curtin's defection would probably lose them the state 
in October. 170 In Ohio, an original Liberal stronghold, the 
state campaign was well organized and hard fought on both 
sides. 171 Indiana was the scene of a desperate political duel 
between the long-time rivals Morton and Hendricks. As 
the political future of both of these veteran party leaders 
was thought to hinge on this contest there could be no ques- 
tion of its thoroughness and bitterness. 172 Senator Tipton's 
leadership in Nebraska was counted on to swing that state 
for the Liberals. 173 

The leaders of both national organizations fully recog- 
nized the crucial character of the October elections. Greeley 
in June had advised against the adoption of a free-trade 
plank by the Democratic national convention as likely to 
endanger the state ticket in Pennsylvania. 174 A private 
report from Republican headquarters in September stated 
that, while results thus far had favored the party, reverses- 
in the October elections might defeat the national ticket. 
" Defeat in one of those states would endanger Grant, defeat 
in two of them would probably elect Greeley. " An analysis 
of the situation in the different October states showed con- 
siderable cause for Republican anxiety. 175 The coalition 
press also maintained that the success of their ticket in two 
of these states would settle the national election. 176 Sec- 

170 Grant to Washburne, Aug. 26, Grant, Letters to a Friend, 71. 

171 Brinkerhoff, Recollections, 221; Smith, Rep. Party in Ohio, I, 305. 

172 Foulke, II, 257; Holcombe and Skinner, Hendricks, 305; N. Y. 
Herald, Aug. 16 (political correspondence from Indianapolis). Morton 
wrote to Blaine, July 22: "The contest here will be hard fought and 
most bitter, and we shall require all the assistance possible." Hamilton, 
Blaine, 302. 

173 Nation, Oct. 10, p. 225. 

174 Greeley to Jones, June 24, Jones, Jones, II, 154. 

175 Glidden to Washburne, Sept. 15, Washburne MSS. 

176 N. Y. World, Oct. 7; N. Y. Tribune, Oct. 4. John Hay wrote to 
Reid Aug. 1 from Springfield, 111.: "If we carry Pennsylvania and 
Indiana the prospects here will be vastly increased." Thayer, I, 344. 



1 82 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

retary Fish wrote on the eve of the election that he was 
"very hopeful," but "not without anxieties/' 177 

The fears of the administrationists proved not to be well 
founded. The October elections, with slight exceptions, 
went for the Republicans in a most substantial manner. 
Slight opposition gains here and there 178 detracted in no 
way from the conclusiveness of the general result. 179 No 
reason now remained to doubt the final outcome. 180 Cer- 
tain coalition papers continued to encourage the faithful by 
factitious arguments and their national and state committees 
issued hopeful bulletins exhorting the party to greater ac- 
tivity, 181 but the figures were not to be mistaken. Liberals 
were now exhorted by Republican papers to return to the 
party fold ; their efforts to form a new party, they were as- 
sured, had been a complete failure, and all that they could 
expect to do now would be simply to aid the old Demo- 
cratic party. 182 

177 Fish to Washburne, Oct. 7, Washburne MSS. 

178 Such as Hendricks' election in Indiana. 

179 Cf. Nation, Oct. 17, p. 241. 

180 The N. Y. World (Oct. 10) and the Springfield Republican (Oct. 11) 
practically admitted that there was slight hope of Greeley's election. 
Colonel McClure wrote to the Philadelphia Press that he considered the 
doubtful states as hopelessly lost, quoted in the Cincinnati Semi- 
Weekly Gazette, Oct. 18. For private opinions on the finality of the 
result, see Sherman Letters, 339; Winthrop, 280; Motley, Correspondence, 
II 1 355- Greeley was apparently well aware of the significance of the 
result in the October states. See Watterson, "Humor and Tragedy of 
the Greeley Campaign," 42. Greeley to a Lady Friend, Oct. 14, Benton, 
Greeley on Lincoln, etc., 234. "Straw votes" in four eastern colleges, 
Yale, Amherst, Brown and Wesleyan, were overwhelmingly for Grant. 
See reports in Wis. Weekly State Journal, Oct. 29, and Springfield 
Weekly Republican, Oct. 25, Nov. 1. 

181 For addresses of the national and state committees, see N. Y. Trib- 
une, Oct. 10, 15, 16, 17, 19. For hopeful editorials, see ibid., Oct. 9, 10, 
24, 28; Chicago Tribune, Oct. 11; Madison Democrat, Oct. 14; 
Mo. Republican, Oct. 10; editorials quoted in Nation, Oct. 17, p. 241. 

182 See editorials in Albany Evening Journal, Oct. 10; Kan. Common- 
wealth, Oct. 19; Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Oct. 25. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 83 

There was thus nothing surprising in the final result, ex- 
cept in the magnitude of the coalition's defeat. 183 Greeley 
carried no northern state and but six of the border and south- 
ern states. Virginia, West Virginia, Arkansas and Alabama, 
all of which had been wrested from radical control in state 
elections, went for the Republican national ticket. Mary- 
land was kept in the Liberal column by less than a thousand 
while Delaware was lost to Grant by about the same ma- 
jority. New Jersey went Republican for the first time in a 
national election. Greeley's native state of New Hamp- 
shire, which had seemed so enthusiastic over her son's can- 
didacy at first, repudiated him in the end by nearly six 
thousand. New York, claimed for the coalitionists up to 
the very last, 184 rolled up a majority against them of 53,000, 
and Pennsylvania, which seemed so doubtful in October, 
now topped the Republican column with a majority of 
137,000. There was the same relative result throughout 
the North. 185 

The analysis of all the factors entering into the deter- 
mination of this, as of any other national campaign, is a 
hopeless task. At best only some of the more important in- 
fluences can be definitely established. Such a search must, 
of course, go much farther into the conduct and influences 
of the campaign than a mere consideration of the issues 
presented by the participants and other statements fur- 
nished for the consumption of the contemporary public. 
The campaign managers of the period left few records of 

183 The Boston Advertiser on the day of the election (Nov. 5) estimated 
the electoral vote thus: Grant, 209, Greeley, 93, doubtful, 64, including 
New York and New Jersey. 

184 Fen ton to Trumbull, Oct. 21, Trumbull MSS. A correspondent 
of the N. Y. Herald (Oct. 30), after what was claimed to be a careful 
canvass, estimated that Grant would have a majority of 14,600 in the 
state and Kernan, the coalition candidate for governor, 7,000. 

185 Stan wood, Hist, of Presidency, 352; McKee, Nat. Conventions and 
Platforms, 159. 



184 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

their activities, but some observations of things behind the 
scenes may now be taken. 

In the first place, the Republican ticket was backed by a 
powerful organization with a large army of zealous workers. 
Party machinery was more highly developed than it had 
ever been in the past, 186 and where local weaknesses appeared 
special efforts were made to strengthen the organization at 
these points. 187 The congressional campaign committee, 
organized by Senator Chandler and James M. Edmunds, 
proved now a most efficient auxiliary of the national com- 
mittee. 188 In the federal office-holders all over the country 
the Republicans had a faithful band of workers who could 
be called on at any time and for any needed service, Many 
of these officials seem to have devoted a good portion of their 
time during the campaign to raising funds, organizing clubs, 
speaking on the stump, and writing for party newspapers. 189 
A large number of government employees, it was charged, 
were kept busy at the Republican headquarters in Wash- 
ington in sending out franked documents and doing other 
work for the congressional campaign committee. 190 In 
Maine federal officials were accused of " colonizing" voters 
in the navy yards. 191 But by far the most offensive parti- 
sanship among Republican office-holders occurred in the 
southern elections. In some cases federal officials in this 
section openly devoted their time to party activities which 
extended to making arrests under the Enforcement Act, 

186 Cf. Kleeberg, Formation of the Rep. Party, 205, 217-18, 227. The 
Lakeside Monthly said editorially (Dec., p. 471) that the result of the 
election was a triumph for party discipline and organization. 

187 See, for instance, Lyford, 289. 

188 Detroit Post and Tribune, Chandler, 314 f. 

189 Joyce, Checkered Life, 168 f.; McDonald, Whiskey Ring, 42, 51, 
327; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 23 (on activity of federal officials in the Maine 
election); N. Y. Tribune, Oct. 25 (printing assessment letter sent to a 
revenue collector by the congressional committee). 

190 Washington Patriot, Aug. 7. 

191 N. Y. World, Sept. 10. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 85 

colonizing negroes, and interfering at the polls. 192 With a 
capable organization to lay the campaign plans and such 
willing workers to execute them the administration began 
with a big advantage. 

The coalitionists, on the contrary, lacked efficient organ- 
ization. Their papers were constantly exhorting them to 
organize more fully and systematically, and after the Lib- 
eral defeats in the fall elections their campaign methods 
were criticized. 193 In the midst of the canvass one of their 
speakers wrote: " Never knew so good a cause so badly 
handled. His [Greeley's] chiefs of organization incompe- 
tent, and the whole campaign left to fight its own way, with- 
out generals or captains." 194 

Another influence working for the Republicans and 
against the coalition was that of the financial interests. 
Grant and the Republican organization were most intimately 
connected with the captains of Wall Street. The President 
had an especial weakness for millionaires and had never been 
slow to accept their favors. 195 It was due chiefly to the ex- 
ertions of Henry Clews, William E. Dodge and other New 
York capitalists that the mass meeting had been called in 
April to endorse the administration. 196 Ex-Senator E. D. 
Morgan, a prominent financier and a cousin of J. P. Morgan 
of Drexel, Morgan & Co., 197 was this year the national chair- 
man and William E. Chandler, who had been most successful 
in raising large campaign funds in the past, was the secretary 
and chief collector. 198 Jay Cooke's company was by far the 

192 Hamilton, "The Election of 1872 in North Carolina" in South 
Atlantic Quart., XI, 148 f.; Fleming, Reconstruc. in Ala., 755; Davis, 
Reconstruc. in Fla., 640 f. 

193 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 10; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 23; Golden Age, 
Sept. 14; People's Tribune, Sept. 4. 

194 O'Connor, 71. Cf. editorial in Lakeside Monthly, Dec., p. 471. 

195 Rhodes, VI, 383 f. 

196 Clews, 315; Martyn, Dodge, 282. 

197 Hovey, Morgan, 65. 

198 Oberholtzer, Cooke, II, 69-71, 352. 



1 86 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

largest contributor. Cooke, who was a close friend of the 
President, 199 had very practical and direct interests to serve. 
The previous year his syndicate had secured a government 
loan, 200 and during the campaign he was negotiating for 
another installment. 201 He was also in the midst of his 
Northern Pacific promotion, for which the aid of the ad- 
ministration and Congress was so essential. 202 The firm's 
contributions, beginning with $10,000 for the spring election 
in New Hampshire, evidently totaled over $40,ooo. 203 Sec- 
retary Robeson was allowed $10,000 for the New Jersey 
campaign, for the sake of his influence in securing the navy 
account for the firm. 204 Special contributions were made 
to secure doubtful congressional districts. A request of this 
sort from Speaker Blaine was acceded to by Cooke's brother 
for the reason that the firm was not yet through its fights in 
Congress and that the Speaker was a " formidable power for 
good or evil and he has a wide future before him. " 205 When 
in September prices on Wall Street suddenly fell and a panic 
threatened, the firm greatly aided the treasury department 
in making a " flank movement on the bears." 206 Lesser 
financial interests were freely called upon for tribute. The 
chairman of the New York state committee in October sent 
out circulars to the national banks, stating that "this com- 
mittee has determined not to make assessments on Federal 
or State officers as has been usual heretofore, and, therefore, 

199 Oberholtzer, Cooke II, 454 f., 471. Cooke was also a close friend 
of Vice-President Colfax, whom he had urged to resign and enter the 
employ of the Northern Pacific in 1871. Ibid., 230. 

200 Ibid., 265-283. 

201 Ibid., 353. Boutwell divided this loan the next year between the 
Cooke- Rothschild syndicate and the Morton- Morgan syndicate, Hovey, 

77- 

202 Oberholtzer, II, 165, 178-181, 354. 

2 °3 Ibid., 357. 

204 Idem. 

205 Ibid., 354. 

206 Ibid., 354-356. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 87 

we have to rely upon such contributions as they together 
with other friends of the cause may please to make." 207 
Many business men undoubtedly had real apprehensions as 
to the evils which would follow the election of the coalition 
ticket. The " Greeley scare," in addition to the usual dis- 
turbing influences of a presidential year, was depressing bond 
sales and business interests in general. To many these con- 
ditions seemed but a foretaste of what was in store if a finan- 
cier like Greeley should become head of the government. 208 
The coalition, recognizing their great financial handicap, 
in being out of favor with these sources of large campaign 
funds, made some efforts to conciliate "the interests." 
Whitelaw Reid wrote to Jay Cooke, in June, with such a 
purpose. The promoter was assured that the Liberals in 
the resolution in their platform regarding public land grants 
for railroads had said nothing "calculated to interfere with 
the franchise of the Northern Pacific, or public confidence 
in it. They simply protest against the further grants of land 
for such purposes and pledge themselves to oppose them. 
For this it seems to me you ought to be greatly obliged 
since it prevents your lands from being cheapened in the 
market by undue competition." 209 But this rather dubious 
interpretation of a reform declaration seems to have been 
unavailing. Certain wealthy individuals 210 with political 

207 Washington Patriot, Oct. 25; Nation, Oct. 24, p. 258. 

208 Oberholtzer, II, 389; J. M. S. Williams to Sumner, July 15, Sum- 
ner MSS.; Veteran Journalist, "Personal Reminiscences of Horace 
Greeley," Bookman, XIII, 130; Pierce, IV, 544. 

209 Oberholtzer, II, 353. 

210 The N. Y. Times in a feature article the day before the election 
(Nov. 4) published a list of contributions to the coalition campaign fund 
totaling $219,500, and estimated that the entire amount received would 
be about $300,000. Among the leading contributors in this list were 
Senator Sprague of Rhode Island and his brother with $15,000 and $33,- 
000 respectively; John E. Williams and brother, New York bankers, 
$15,000; A. T. Stewart $10,000; M. O. Roberts $10,000; John Coch- 
rane $8,000; and Greeley and the Tribune $12,000. George Wilkes 



1 88 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

ambitions backed the Liberal cause, but, in the main, the 
moneyed men were found on the other side. 210a 

Thus with both federal office-holders and the " interests' ' 
to draw upon, the " sinews of war" were controlled by the 
administrationists. Their funds were expended most liber- 
ally. The congressional campaign committee spent $30,000 
in procuring extracts from Greeley's speeches and writings 
for the press. 211 In the preliminary state elections no expense 
was allowed to stand in the way of a full vote of confidence. 212 
The coalitionists, on the contrary, were at times hard put 
to it for the necessary funds. 213 

The impossibility of reconciling large numbers of Demo- 
ctratic voters to Greeley's candidacy was probably decisive 
in bringing about the overwhelming defeat of the coalition 
ticket. Most of the Democratic leaders carried out their 
part of the compact faithfully, if not cheerfully, but the rank 
and file of the party recognized no such obligation. In all 
parts of the country, both contemporary observations and 
recent critical studies reveal the same general situation in 
the Democratic party, such an antipathy on the part of 
many old-line members to their candidate as even the hope 

claimed that he bet $20,000 on Greeley which he would not withdraw 
for fear of hurting the cause. Spirit of the Times, Nov. 9. Stewart, 
according to the Times article, contributed also to the Grant fund. It 
was reported early in the canvass that he had given $25,000 to the 
Liberals, but this he later denied, and represented that he was entirely 
friendly to Grant. Boutwell, Reminiscences , II, 205 f. 

210a Greeley wrote to a friend, Sept. 11, "The Grant folks are full of 
money, and are using it with effect." Benton, Greeley on Lincoln, etc., 
231. 

211 Detroit Post and Tribune, Chandler, 315. 

212 Oberholtzer, II, 352, 353, 356; Hamilton, "Election of 1872 in 
N. C." in South Atlantic Quart., XI, 148; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 23. 

213 N. Y. Herald, Sept. 23. (Editorial comment on the Maine state 
election.) 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 1 89 

of the defeat of the Republicans could not remove. 214 A com- 
parison of the returns of this with previous elections shows 
conclusively that large numbers of Democrats stayed away 
from the polls or refrained from voting for the national 
ticket. In the states voting both in 1868 and 1872, 215 the 
Republican vote in the latter year increased 343,000, while 
the coalition vote decreased from that of the Democrats by 
90,ooo. 216 

214 N. Y. Herald, Sept. 23, Nov. 25; N. Y. World, Oct. 28, Nov. 9; 
Washington Patriot, Nov. 7; Milwaukee News, Nov. 8; Clay, I, 510; 
Julian, 348; Hay to Reid, Aug. 1, commenting on Democratic bolts in 
Illinois, Thayer, I, 344. Johnston- Woodburn, Pol. Hist., II, 587 f.; 
Powell, Bern. Party of Ohio, I, 201; Dilla, 146 f.; Hamilton, "The 
Election of 1872 in North Carolina," South Atlantic Quart., XI, 148, 151; 
Fleming, Reconstruc. in Ala., 754; Haynes, Third Party Movements , 
28-29; Alexander, Pol. Hist, of N. Y., Ill, 300, 302 f.; Conrad, Hist, of 
Del., I, 225. 

215 That is excluding Virginia, Florida, Mississsippi and Texas in both 
cases. 

216 Stanwood, Hist, of the Presidency, 328, 351. A comparison of the 
vote in this election in strong Democratic sections in states where the 
opposition to the coalition was especially pronounced with that of 
previous elections shows a considerable defection in the party vote : 

In Delaware the vote for Greeley was 1 1 .2 per cent less of the total 
vote than that for Seymour in 1868, and y.y per cent less of the total 
than the vote for governor in 1870. 

In Maryland the coalition vote for president was 5.4 per cent less of 
the total than that for governor and 12.9 per cent less than the percentage 
of the vote cast for Seymour. 

In three New Jersey counties (Hudson, Sussex and Warren) the fore- 
going basis of comparison gives a decrease of 5.2 per cent from the 
presidential election of '68 and 7.1 per cent from the gubernatorial of '71. 

In four strongly Democratic counties in Pennsylvania (Berks, Mon- 
roe, Northampton and Pike) the decrease from the national election of 
'68 was 6.7 per cent and that from the state election in October '72, 7 
per cent. The figures are taken in each case from the Evening Journal 
Almanac for 1873. In all the states electing governors in 1872, with the 
exception of New York, the Democratic or coalition candidate for that 
office ran better than Greeley. In New York the plurality of the Re- 



190 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

The fundamental explanation of the "tidal wave" of 1872 
simmers down to this, — that the country had confidence in 
Grant and his administration, and did not wish at this time 
of readjustment from the great war to risk a doubtful ex- 
periment. All the charges that could be brought against 
the General were with great masses of voters more than off- 
set by his fame as the great military hero. 217 The freedman, 
the new element in the electorate, had been taught to look 
upon Grant and the Republican party as their only salva- 
tion. 218 The past administration, in spite of all abuses, had 
been in many respects fairly efficient. 219 Times were still 
good, and the average voter was not greatly concerned over 
reform projects that seemed largely theoretical. 220 There 
was, to be sure, a growing unrest with existing conditions, 
especially in the West, which was soon to assert itself in a 
manner most disastrous to the Republicans, but the Liberals 
had failed to unite this opposition sentiment. Greeley, in con- 
trast to Grant, was a most uncertain quantity. During his 
many years in the public gaze, in spite of the wide influence 
which he exerted, he had gained the reputation, which could 
not now be overcome, of a man of erratic, unstable qualities. 
And the political conjunction by which he had become a 
candidate was regarded by many as particularly suspicious. 
The Democratic party was still thought to be unreconstruc- 
ted, and with the passions of the war still so warm it took 
no great stretch of the imagination to see in the party's sud- 
den acceptance of its old vilifier a plot to get into office and 

publican candidate for governor was less than two thousand greater than 
that for Grant and the sectarian issue in the state canvass would more 
than account for that difference. 

217 Cf. editorial in N. Y. Herald, May 8; Garland, Grant, 419-421; 
Linn, Greeley, 252) Albert E. Pillsbury (a Mass. Liberal) in Memorial to 
Greeley, 74. 

218 Cf. Old and New, Sept., p. 373, Nov., p. 631; Wallace, Carpet-Bag 
Rule in Fla., 216. 

219 Cf. North Am. Rev., Oct., pp. 417-419; Lippincott's, Sept., p. 355. 

220 Cf. Lippincott's Sept., pp. 356 f. 



THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 872 191 

subsequently to restore something of the ante-bellum condi- 
tions. 221 But, on their side, many of the Democrats did not 
trust their candidate. The party was nominally united, but 
the Bourbon element, North and South, could not be recon- 
ciled. 222 The result, then, can only be accounted for as a 
vote of confidence in Grant, either as a first choice, or, as 
with many, a choice of evils. As an ardent Democratic cam- 
paigner explained: "The majority was so astonishingly 
large, that it leaves no room for disconsolacy, that circum- 
stances might have made it different. It was a clear Grant 
victory." 223 

221 For a recent justification of this attitude by a thoughtful contem- 
porary, see Wilson, Dana, 429 f. The Missouri Republican (Nov. 6) 
attributed the result to the failure of the Democrats to follow out fully 
the "passive policy." Edward Dicey thought that if the Liberals had 
not joined with the distrusted Democratic party and had named a more 
suitable candidate they might have formed a new party. See his 
article in the Fortnightly Review, Dec. 1874, p. 629. 

222 By this statement of Greeley's weaknesses as a candidate there is 
no intention to imply that some other coalition candidate could have 
beaten Grant, as some contemporary observers have held (see Hoar, 
Autobiography, I, 284; White, Trumbull, 402). The weak points of the 
other candidates for the Liberal nomination have already been noted 
and, under the circumstances, it does not seem likely that any of them 
could have succeeded. There has probably been a tendency to exag- 
gerate Greeley's unavailability as compared with other possible candi- 
dates. In the South, for instance, he had some peculiar elements of 
strength. See Ross, "Horace Greeley and the South, 1865-1872." 

223 O'Connor, 74. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE LATER ACTIVITIES OF THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN 
FACTION 

In most accounts of the politics of the seventies the Lib- 
eral Republicans, as a distinct group, drop out of the nar- 
rative after the disastrous " Greeley campaign. "* It is 
true that during the next four years the Liberal national 
organization had only a nominal existence, and that in 
some sections the party ceased to have, or really never had, 
a distinct local organization; but in other regions it was 
able in this period to keep together a following which ex- 
erted a considerable, at times a decisive, influence in state 
and local elections. A knowledge of this later activity 
of the Liberals is necessary for a clear understanding of the 
different character of the movement in different sections, 
and of the influence which it exerted on political parties. 
In treating this period, the activities of the Liberals in 
Congress will be first considered, next the position of the 
faction in state politics, and finally its connection with the 
national campaign of 1876, which marked the extinction of 
the Liberals as a separately organized faction. 

I. THE LIBERALS IN CONGRESS, 1873-1876 

In the last session of the Forty Second Congress, begin- 
ning in December, 1872, the policy of the Liberal members 2 

1 Since this was written Dr. Haynes in his Third Party Movements 
since the Civil War has treated briefly certain phases of this period of 
Liberal activity. 

2 The classification of members varies in different places but the fol- 
lowing lists, gathered from the World, Tribune, and Evening 
Journal Almanacs for 1873 an d McPherson's Hand-Book of Politics 
for 1874, seem to include all who were at any time during the Forty- 
Second Congress identified with the Liberal faction. The dates of the 

192 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 1 93 

was watched with much interest for an indication of the 
faction's future alignment. The administration leaders, 
in the presence of their great victory, were in no mood to 
deal leniently with the bolters. This unconciliatory at- 
titude was shown in the Senate early in the session when 
Cameron, after moving for an adjournment, refused to 
allow Sumner and Fenton to deliver the eulogistic remarks 
which they had prepared in memory of their deceased candi- 
date. 3 In selecting committees the Republican senators 
completely ignored the Liberals, excluding them by the 
wording of their call from participating in the caucus. 4 
The Liberal senators, of course, lost their chairmanships, 
and it now rested with the Democrats whether they should 
have any committee representation. The chief vacancies 
at the disposal of the Democrats were in the foreign rela- 
tions, finance and judiciary committees on which Schurz, 
Fenton and Trumbull had been serving. After inviting 
the Liberals to a consultation, the Democratic senators de- 
cided to keep their own men on the finance and the judiciary 
committees, but from foreign relations Senator Casserly in- 
sisted on withdrawing in favor of Schurz. The other 
Liberal senators were given places on minor committees. 5 
The question of the relation of the Liberal senators to the 
Democratic party was thus raised. Tipton and Rice at- 
tended the Democratic caucus and expressed an intention of 
acting with that party in future. 6 But the other Liberal 
senators were emphatic in declaring their independence of 

expiration of the senators' terms are indicated. Trumbull (111.), '73 ? 
Rice (Ark.), '73; Sumner (Mass.), '75; Sprague (R. I.), '75; Fenton 
(N. Y.), '75; Schurz (Mo.), '75; Tipton (Neb.), '75; West (La.) f '77; 
Hamilton (Tex.), '77. Representatives — Banks (Mass.);Blair (Mich.); 
Dodds (Ohio); Farnsworth (111.); Goodrich (N. Y.); Morphis, (Miss.). 

3 N. Y. Herald, Dec. 4, 1872; Cong. Globe, 42Cong., 3 Sess., 14. 

4 N. Y. Tribune, Dec. 6, 1872; Pierce, Sumner, IV, 549. 

5 N. Y. Tribune, Dec. 6, 1872; N. Y. World, Dec. 6, 1872. 
6 N. Y. World, Dec. 6, 1872. 

14 



194 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

both the old parties. 7 Schurz, before accepting the com- 
mittee assignment tendered by the Democratic caucus, 
wrote to Senator Thurman expressing an appreciation of 
the honor, but explaining clearly that he did not wish to 
commit himself to any party. During the last campaign 
he had constantly disavowed any intention to join the 
Democratic party and his position was still the same. 
He stood on the Missouri platform; and he would support 
or oppose the administration accordingly as its policies were 
likely to advance or retard those ends. Thurman replied at 
once that he was instructed by the Democratic senators 
to say that they had understood Schurz's position and did 
not consider the proposed arrangement a surrender of 
principle either by him or them. With this understanding 
Schurz accepted the assignment. 8 

In the House, where committee assignments were made at 
the beginning of a new term and could be changed only by 
a suspension of the rules, it would have been difficult to 
oust the Liberal chairmen. The majority of the members 
were disinclined to making changes of that sort in the last 
session. A test vote came early in the session — December 
2 — when General Banks offered his resignation as chairman 
of foreign affairs on the ground that the House should be 
represented by one more unreservedly committed to its 
policies. But by a vote of 76-59 the House refused to ac- 
cept his resignation. 9 This vote seems to have been re- 
garded as a final disposal of the question of the reorganiza- 
tion of committees. 10 

7 N. Y. Tribune, Dec. 6, 1872. 

*Ibid., Dec. 7; N. Y. World, Dec. 7, 1872. 

9 Cong. Globe, 42 Cong., 3 Sess., 10 f. 

10 Butler was reported as seeking to put through a resolution to have 
the Liberals removed as the heads of committees, but it was said that 
most of the Republicans thought that the vote on Banks settled the 
matter. N. Y. Tribune, Dec. 9, 10, 1872. The Cincinnati Semi- 
Weekly Gazette (Dec. 6, 1872) thought that Banks' retention was a mis- 
take. So long as the Liberals opposed the administration, it held, 
they should be treated like opponents. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 1 95 

On the leading measures involving reform issues in this 
session the action of the majority of the Liberal members 
was not especially creditable. In the Credit Mobilier 
investigation Goodrich dissented from the opinion of the 
majority of the judiciary committee, that a member could 
not be expelled for an act committed before his term of 
office; 11 but Farnsworth made a strong plea in defence of 
the implicated members. 12 The connection of the Liberals 
with the "salary grab" was decidedly open to criticism. 
Four Liberal senators and one representative supported the 
act, and but three senators and none of the representatives 
returned their back pay. 13 

In the election of 1872 none of the Liberal members were 
returned to the Forty Third Congress, 14 but five new mem- 
bers were classified as Liberals. 15 

Alarmed by the results of the state elections in 1873, the 
administration leaders in the Senate were ready to make 
terms with the Liberals at the opening of the new Congress. 
In their caucus it was suggested that Schurz, Sumner and 
Fen ton be restored to their old party standing, but Conkling 
argued that some guarantee of their action in the future 
should first be exacted. 16 Subsequently the Liberals, though 

11 Cong. Globe, 42 Cong., 3 Sess., 1655. 

12 Ibid., Appendix, 127-131. 

13 McPherson, Hand-Book of Politics for 1874, pp. 18-20. The 
N. Y. Tribune (Aug. 5, 1873) gives a detailed table of the vote and of the 
disposal of the back pay, as does also the N. Y. World, Aug. 26, 1873. 
Farnsworth divided his share among the counties of his district — an 
action that was much criticized. See N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 2, 1873, 
mentioning resolutions of a farmers' meeting in Illinois. 

14 Banks and Goodrich were defeated for reelection and Blair for 
governor. World Almanac, 1873, pp. 39, 41, 54. 

15 World Almanac, 1873, pp. 79-80. In addition a Liberal member 
was returned from the 9th Ind. district, but he lost on a contest. Even- 
ing Journal Almanac, 1873, pp. 45, 54; ibid, 1874, p. 37; Cong. Record, 
43 Cong., 1 Sess., 97. The Liberal member from La. was not seated 
until the end of the session. McPherson, Hand-Book for 1876, p. 2 n. 

16 N. Y. World, Dec. 3, 4, 1873. 



I96 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

they did not enter the caucus, were continued by the Re- 
publicans in the places that had been given them by the 
Democrats. 17 Schurz, during the remainder of his term, ad- 
hered strictly to his independent position; 18 Sumner's 
career ended before he became committed on partisan issues; 
and the rest of the Liberal senators gradually drifted to one 
or the other of the old parties. 19 The Liberal representa- 
tives elected in 1872 were, in the main, identified during 
their term with the Democrats. 20 In 1874 two of the Liberal 
members were reelected as regular Democrats. 21 A dozen 
other members, classified as "Liberal," "Independent," 
or "Reform," in nearly every case secured their election 
through Democratic support. With two exceptions the 
Liberals and Independents in the Forty Fourth Congress 
acted with the Democrats. 22 

17 N. Y. World Dec. 5. Tipton was now acting with the Democrats. 
The Mass. Weekly Spy, a strong administration paper, said (Dec. 12, 
1873) that the action of the Republican caucus marked the complete 
healing of the Liberal breach. The Liberal senators, it explained, did 
not come back as penitents and no pledges were exacted from them, 
their past services being a sufficient security. 

18 See Bancroft- Dunning, Schurz' s Pol. Career, 356-361; Schurz' s 
Writings, II, 450-472, 473"534; HI. 1 15-152. 

19 West and Sprague are classed as Republicans by the World Almanac 
of 1874, but Sprague is still designated "Liberal" by the Evening Journal 
Almanac. Hamilton is termed " Independent" by the World Almanac 
for 1875, " Liberal" by the Evening Journal. McPherson (in his Hand- 
Book for 1876) in the last session of the 43rd Congress classifies Hamil- 
ton, Schurz, Tipton and Fenton merely as "Independents." But, in 
the main, Schurz was independent of both organizations, Tipton favored 
the Democrats and the rest the Republicans. 

20 McPherson, Hand-Book for 1876. 

21 Whitehouse of N. Y. and Banning of Ohio. 

22 The Cincinnati Commercial said that fourteen Liberals and Inde- 
pendents in the present House, with the exception of Prof. Seelye and 
General Banks of Massachusetts, had voted systematically with the 
Democrats. Editorial, Oct. 18, 1876. Banks was suggested by Liberal 
papers as a most suitable coalition candidate for speaker. See Madison 
Democrat, Nov. 7, 1874, quoting Chicago Tribune. But, as the Cincin- 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 1 97 

2. THE SOUTH 

In the South the Liberal Republicans, as a distinct organi- 
zation, had never been very important, and after the national 
campaign they merged readily with the old parties. Only 
here and there some sign of the organization is to be noted. 
In Mississippi the lieutenant-governor and state treasurer 
elected in 1872 were classed as Liberals. 23 In Louisiana 
some sort of organization was kept up, and the Liberals 
were specially mentioned in the call for the Democratic 
state convention in 1874. There were only a few Liberals in 
the convention who had not yet gone over to the Democrats, 
but to secure the full support of the element concessions 
were made to them in the platform. 24 The Congress- 
man-at-large elected from Arkansas in 1872 — a carpet- 
bagger recruit of Senator Rice 25 — was nominally a Liberal, 
but was soon identified with the Democrats in Congress. 26 
Frederick G. Bromberg, a leading Alabama Liberal, was 
sent to Congress in 1873 by Democratic support. For a 
time he acted independently but before the end of his term 
he was committed to the Democratic party. 27 Governor 
Walker, of Virginia, who had led the pioneer Liberal move- 
ment in 1869, was elected to Congress by the Conservatives 

nati Commercial pointed out (Nov. 9, 1874), the Liberals could not expect 
any such concession as the Democrats now had a sufficient majority 
without them. The Democrats with their large majority not only did 
not elect a Liberal Speaker, but they were not very free in giving them 
committee assignments. The N. Y. Tribune's Washington corres- 
pondent predicted (Dec. 22, 1875) that Speaker Kerr's policy in this 
regard would alienate the Liberals. See also Milwaukee Sentinel 
(Dec. 2^, 1875) predicting that the Liberal representatives would be 
driven back to the Republican party. 

23 World Almanac for 1873, p. 44. 

24 N. Y. World, Sept. 3, 1874. 

25 Harrell, Brooks and Baxter War, 142. 

26 Evening Journal Almanac for 1874 classes him as a Democrat. 

27 Memorial Record of Ala., II, 515. Bromberg signed the address of 
the Democratic congressmen in 1875. 



I98 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

in 1874 and reelected by the Democrats. 28 There was no 
room in the South at this time for any organization but the 
radicals and conservatives — the Republicans and the Demo- 
crats. The Liberal movement so far as the South was con- 
cerned was but a phase iti the consolidation of all the con- 
servative elements in support of the Democratic party. 
The campaign of 1872 Was the culmination of the move- 
ment, begun about 1869^ of dissatisfied Republicans over to 
the conservative opposition. 

3. THE WEST 

Throughout the West the period of Grant's second ad- 
ministration was one or party disorganization. One of 
the manifestations of the heated agrarian and anti-monop- 
oly agitations of these years was the formation of "inde- 
pendent" parties as a means for securing the desired re- 
forms. 29 Much the same reforms had been sought unsuc- 
cessfully in the Liberal movement, and in many cases the 
same men who had been most active in organizing the initial 
bolt from the Republican party were the promoters of the 
new reform party in their state. The Liberal state and 
local organizations, both by direct coalitions with the new 
movements and by their influence in securing Democratic 
cooperation, largely made possible the successes that these 
independent parties achieved. But the general result of 
this pooling of the opposition interests in the West, to which 
the Liberals — intentionally or otherwise — contributed de- 
cidedly, was to better the position of the Democracy. 

The Ohio independent demonstration of 1873, largely an 
outgrowth of the Liberal and the Reunion and Reform move- 

28 Smith, Executives of Va., 388. 

29 For a general account of these parties, see Buck, "Independent 
Parties in the Western States" in Turner Essays in American History 
(reprinted in Buck, Granger Movement, 80-102); Haynes, Third Party 
Movements, ch. VI. Haynes thinks that these parties "grew up con- 
temporaneously with" the Liberal Movement "but largely independent 
of it." Third Party Movements, 48. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 1 99 

ments of 1 87 1 - 1 872 , was of unusual interest, attracting nation- 
wide attention. Ohio had been an original centre of the 
reform agitation leading up to the national Liberal move- 
ment, and in the region about Cincinnati, in particular, the 
Liberals had shown decided strength. 30 Following the elec- 
tion of 1 872 , there was much sentiment among Ohio independ- 
ents, of both Republican and Democratic antecedents, for 
the formation of a new reform party. A conference of leading 
Liberals and Democrats was held at Columbus, on Novem- 
ber 15, to decide on the future policy of the opposition forces. 
An address on the result of the late election signed by the 
allied chairmen was presented by Senator Thurman and 
the Democratic participants all seemed to desire a contin- 
uation of the alliance. But the recommendation of the 
Liberal committee that the opposition unite in one organiza- 
tion to be called the " Liberal party" came to nought. 
Ardent Liberals demanded that the Democrats abandon 
their organization, while Senator Thurman made it clear 
that the old-time leaders of his party would never consent 
to such a step. 31 The coalition was therefore continued 
for a time on the old basis. 32 

30 Cf. Williams, Hayes, I, 369. That the Liberal gains in this section 
were large is shown by a comparison of the vote for president in Hamil- 
ton County in 1872 with that for governor in 1871 and president in 1868. 
See Evening Journal Almanac for 1873, p. 106. The Cincinnati Com- 
mercial in 1874 (editorial, May 22) said of the Liberal Republican party 
in Hamilton Co. that it had been "more tenderly nurtured here than in 
any other quarter of the globe." 

31 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Nov. 19, 1872. There was evi- 
dently considerable opposition in the Democratic party in the state to 
Thurman's stand. See editorial in ibid., Nov. 26, and the Cincinnati 
Enquirer and other Democratic papers, quoted in ibid., Dec. 3. 

32 In the Cincinnati city election in the spring of 1873 the Democrats 
and Liberals, after considerable negotiations and wranglings, agreed on a 
coalition ticket which was subsequently elected. Cincinnati Com- 
mercial, Mar. 7, 29, Apr. 8, 1873. In the Ohio constitutional convention 
of 1873 there were 7 Liberal Republican members in a body of 105. 
N. Y. World, May 7, 1873. 



200 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

At first it was the intention of the Liberals to act with the 
Democrats in the state election of 1873. The two com- 
mittees met and decided to call their separate conventions 
at the same time and place. 33 But an independent Demo- 
cratic movement in June gave the Liberals an opportunity to 
act independently of the regular parties. This was the 
so-called "Allen County Democracy' ' Aroused over the 
refusal of their congressman to return his back pay and 
over the many other evidences of corruption in the old 
parties, they decided at their county convention at Lima, 
June 16, to start a reform party of their own, and called a 
mass convention to meet at Columbus, July 30, for that 
purpose. 34 Brinkerhoff, as the Liberal chairman, now issued 
a call for his convention to meet with the Allen County 
reformers. 35 Favorable responses from prominent Lib- 
eral Republicans and from those who were now termed 
" Liberal Democrats" came from all parts of the state. 36 
Democrats who had been in the Reunion and Reform Asso- 
ciation naturally went into the movement, 37 and even some 
prominent Democrats of the Bourbon type, evidently des- 
pairing of the old party, hastened to become charter mem- 
bers. 38 Both of the regular organizations were bitterly 

33 N. Y. Tribune, May 24, 1873. 

34 Cincinnati Commercial , June 18, 1873. 

35 Ibid., July 2. 

36 Ibid., July 26, 29, 1873; Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, July 1, 25, 

1873. 

37 William S. Groesbeck, while refusing to act as the independents' 
candidate for governor, expressed hearty sympathy with the movement 
and made public a letter to a New York friend in which he character- 
ized the old Democratic party as " spoiled," and suggested the formation 
of a new party to be termed the "Liberal Democracy." Cincinnati 
Commercial, July 26; Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, July 29. This 
letter was widely quoted. See criticism in N. Y. World, July 30, 1873. 

38 George E. Pugh, a leader in the Vallandigham campaign of 1863, 
and Thomas Ewing were the most prominent representatives of this 
class in the new movement. Powell, Bern. Party of Ohio, I, 218. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 201 

opposed to this unsettling element in state politics. 39 The 
Liberals held a preliminary convention on the morning of the 
day set for the regular independent mass convention and 
formally decided to unite with the independent Democrats. 40 
The resolutions of the independent Democratic-Liberal 
gathering, while reflecting to a considerable extent the dis- 
satisfaction and unrest of the period, show the tempering 
control of the conservative Democrats: the abuses in both 
the old parties, which had now outlived their usefulness, 
were denounced and the duty of independent voting as- 
serted ; the reduction of the functions of government to the 
minimum was advocated, as well as "home government in 
all local aff airs"; all grants, subsidies and special favors to 
corporations were condemned and a tariff for revenue only 
demanded. The nominations, headed by Judge Isaac Col- 
lins — a former pronounced Democrat but prominent in the 
Reunion and Reform movement — for governor, were di- 
vided equally between the Democrats and Liberals. 41 ' 

39 For the Republican attitude, see especially the editorials in the 
Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette. It charged (July 8) that the Liberals 
were seeking simply to secure a balance in the legislature, so that they 
might sell out in the senatorial election, and it called the leaders of the 
People's party "the Pharisees" (Aug. 8). The Kan. Commonwealth 
(Aug. 7) said that the Allen County Liberal coalition was "the 'Mis- 
souri movement' over again, minus the enthusiasm and brains that 
characterized the latter." For the Democratic opposition, see Cin- 
cinnati Enquirer, quoted in Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, July 4, 8, 
1873; N. Y. World, July 18, 29, 1873. See also denunciations of the 
Ohio Liberals in the N. Y. Herald, Aug. 1, 1873, and Nation, July 31, 
1873, P- 65. A resolution was offered in the Democratic Cuyahoga 
County convention for "dissolution of the partnership heretofore ex- 
isting with the Liberals," but it was not adopted. Cincinnati Com- 
mercial, Aug. 6, 1873. 

40 Cincinnati Commercial, July 31, 1873. 

41 Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, pp. 609 f ; Brinkerhoff, Recollections, 223. 
The detailed proceedings of the convention are given in Cincinnati 
Commercial, July 31, 1873, and Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Aug. 1, 
1873. 



202 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

The new organization, adopting the name of " People's 
Party/' made a vigorous canvass, 42 though the leaders 
stated frankly that they did not expect to win in their first 
effort. 43 The Liberal press and organization bore the brunt 
of the battle. 44 A special appeal was made to the labor 
vote in the campaign. Labor organizations had issued calls 
for the convention, 45 and their leaders were active in that 
gathering 46 and in the local organizations of the new party. 47 

42 See circular of state chairman in Cincinnati Commercial, Aug. 15, 
1873, and accounts of mass meetings in ibid., Aug. 5, 18, 22, 29, Sept. 29 
and passim. 

43 See Judge Collins' statement to that effect, quoted in ibid., Sept. 6, 
and editorial in ibid., Oct. 11. But Liberal papers thought that the 
movement might be the beginning of a national reform party. Cin- 
cinnati Commercial, July 8, 29, Oct. 13, 1873; Chicago Tribune, Aug. 1, 

1873. 

44 Brinkerhoff had established a paper, the Ohio Liberal, as an organ 
of his party, and had built up a good organization. Brinkerhoff, 222 f. 
The Cincinnati Commercial and the Cincinnati Volksblatt gave strong 
support to the movement. Liberals like Brinkerhoff and Hassaurek 
were leading campaign speakers. The Commercial throughout the cam- 
paign referred to the independent party as the "Liberals," though 
Hassaurek had declared in the Columbus convention: "The Liberal 
Republicans have pronounced their own funeral oration. They met 
this morning just for the purpose of saying that the Liberal Republi- 
cans as a party organization has passed away. We are Liberal 
Republicans no longer." Cincinnati Commercial, July 31, 1873. Cox, 
Stallo, and Jacob Brinkerhoff supported the movement. See letters in 
ibid., Aug. 5, Sept. 14. 

45 So stated in Brinkerhoff's call. Cincinnati Commercial, July 2, 

1873. 

46 The representatives of labor organizations in the convention by 
unanimous consent were given special representation on committees. 
Cincinnati Commercial, July 31. One plank of the platform declared 
"That it is the duty of government to repeal all laws that favor capital 
to the prejudice of labor." Ewing addressed the delegates as "Demo- 
crats, Liberals, Workingmen, and Independents." 

47 See notice of ratification of the ticket by a labor organization, 
ibid., Aug. 3, and of the nomination of a labor leader for the legislature, 
ibid., Aug. 26. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 203 

Democratic leaders in the independent convention had sug- 
gested that the regular convention of their party might 
adopt the " reform' ' ticket. 48 But that party was resolved 
to have nothing to do with its unfaithful members and al- 
lies and named a straight Democratic ticket headed by the 
old Jacksonian leader, William Allen. 49 A proposal to 
endorse one of the independent candidates was most in- 
dignantly spurned. 50 The Republican organization was now 
most anxious to win back its seceded members. A former 
Liberal was placed on the state ticket 51 and direct appeals 
were made to that element in the campaign. 52 The Liberals 
were especially hostile to the old-time Democratic leaders 
whose refusal to disband their organization was preventing 
the formation of a united opposition party; 53 but the result 
of the new movement was simply to strengthen the position 
of this element. The independent ticket drew enough 
Republican votes to enable Allen to secure the governor- 
ship and his son-in-law, Senator Thurman, to retain his 
seat. 54 

48 See E wing's speech in the convention. Ibid., Aug. 31. 

49 Powell, Dent. Party of Ohio, I, 221 f. 

50 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Aug. 8, 1873. 

51 Cincinnati Commercial, May 22, 1873. 

52 See Noyes' speech of acceptance in ibid., May 22, 1873; editorial 
in Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Aug. 12, 1873; Noyes' campaign 
speech in ibid., Aug. 26, 1873. 

53 See editorials deprecating continuance of a Liberal coalition with 
the Democrats and insisting that that party should disband. Cin- 
cinnati Commercial, July 24, 27, 28, Aug. 6, 1873; Chicago Tribune, 
Aug. 1, 7, 8, 1873. The Commercial desired Thurman's defeat for the 
Senate by reason of his "reactionary" attitude in refusing to give up the 
old organization (editorial July 29, 1873), and the same paper (Oct. 12) 
thought that while the success of the Republican state ticket would not 
much change conditions, the election of Allen would cause false hopes of 
a national party revival and retard the formation of a new opposition 
party. 

54 The independent ticket polled a little over 10,000 votes, over 4,000 
coming from Hamilton county. World Almanac, 1874, p. 43. In the 



204 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

In Indiana in the spring of 1873 there was a movement for 
the formation of a new party by the union of all opposition 
elements. Leading Democrats expressed a willingness to 
give up their organization and to unite with Liberals and 
reformers in a new party. 65 There was no state election 
this year, and apparently no definite action was taken. 
The Michigan coalition was continued harmonious- 
ly. 56 A call for a state judicial convention was signed 
by the chairmen of both the Democratic and the Liberal 
committees. The convention acted with entire harmony 
nominating an independent Republican, Judge Christiancy, 
who was later endorsed by the regular Republicans. 57 In 
the Kansas legislative elections the " Independents' ' and 
" Farmers, " who included the Liberals, 58 secured enough 
members to elect a reform candidate to the Senate. 59 The 
California Liberal Republican organization, 60 apparently 

Legislature four members were classed as "Independents." At least 
one of these was a Liberal. Chicago Tribune, Oct. 18, 1873 (reporting 
election of a Liberal in Cuyahoga Co.). A number of influences entered 
into the Democratic victory, such as the exposures in Congress and the 
panic, but the independent vote seems to have enabled Allen to pull 
through. 

55 Chicago Tribune, Washington correspondence on Hendricks' at- 
titude, Mar. 24, 1873, and editorial, ibid., Mar. 25. Hendricks, in a 
card in the Indianapolis Sentinel (quoted ibid., Apr. 16), said that he 
desired the common action of all elements of the opposition, but was not 
certain whether that could be best brought about by the existing organi- 
zations or by the formation of a new party. He thought that the action 
of the Democratic and Liberal organizations in the various states would 
suggest the best plan to be followed. 

56 Detroit Free Press, Mar. 6, 1873, quoted in Dilla, Politics of Mich., 148. 

57 Dilla, 148 f. 

68 The Kan. Commonwealth (Nov. 13, 1873) classified the Farmers and 
Independents as Republicans and "Democrats and Liberals." 

59 The Liberals had one senator, five representatives and a clerk in the 
House. Wilder, Annals of Kan., 635-637. Ex-Governor J. M. Har- 
vey was elected senator. P. B. Plumb, a leading Greeley supporter, 
was Harvey's nearest rival. Wilder, 638 f. 

60 A meeting of Democrats and Liberals was held in San Francisco 
soon after the election of 1872 (November 14) in reponse to a call 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 205 

never very strong, became the " Liberal Reform Party" 
in 1873. 61 This and other independent, anti-monopoly 
organizations acted with the Democrats in the main in the 
local elections 62 and the combination was able to organize 
the legislature, 63 and control the election of the United 
States senators, an independent and a Democrat. 64 

In the formation of the anti-monopoly parties in the 
" Granger States " the Liberal leaders took a prominent part. 
In Illinois the Liberal members of the legislature at first 
maintained a separate organization 65 but leading Liberals 
soon helped to organize the " Independent" farmers' and 
anti-monopoly party. 66 In the fall local elections the in- 
dependents carried a large majority of the counties. 67 

for a meeting "for the purpose of effecting a reorganization of the Demo- 
cratic and Liberal Party upon a firm basis." Apparently no definite 
action was taken. San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Nov. 15, 1872. 

61 Ibid., July 15, 1873. 

62 Ibid., Mar. 13, July 26, 29, Aug. 19, 20, Sept. 11, Oct. 10. 

63 Ibid., Dec. 3, 4. A former Liberal was elected speaker of the house. 

64 Ibid., Dec. 20, 23. Booth, the independent elected, had been a 
strong supporter of Grant in 1872. The Bulletin held (May 15, 1875) 
that the California " Independent' ' party of 1875 was in no sense a con- 
tinuation of the Liberal Republican movement. 

65 See their protest against Oglesby's election to the Senate, Chicago 
Tribune, Jan. 22, 1873. The Liberals had six members in the Senate 
and fifteen in the House. Idem. 

66 The editors of the Industrial Age of Chicago, one of the leading 
organs of the Granger movement and of the Independent party in 
Illinois, were Liberals. The Milwaukee Sentinel remarked sarcastically 
(Apr. 9, 1873) that "The alacrity with which certain ' liberal ' newspapers 
and 'liberal' demagogues in Illinois have jumped astride of the farmers' 
movement against monopolies is edifying to behold." Horace White 
wrote to Ignatius Donnelly (July 23) regarding the prospects for the 
formation of a general anti-monopoly party. Donnelly MSS. 

67 The Chicago Tribune (Nov. 19, 1873) thus summarized the result 
of the election: 

Farmers and Anti-Monopoly 52 counties 

Republicans 16 

Democrats 20 " ' 

Independent 13 " 



206 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

In the Minnesota state campaign all of the opposition 
elements, Democrats, Liberals, and Anti-Monopolists were 
united on a single ticket. A farmers* anti-monopoly party 
was organized largely through the efforts of Ignatius Don- 
nelly, a late Liberal, who now sought to utilize the Patrons 
of Husbandry for promoting a new political organization. 68 
The anti-monopolists put up a ticket composed of Demo- 
crats, a regular Republican, and a Liberal (for lieutenant 
governor). 69 This combination was endorsed by the state 
convention called jointly by "the Democrats and Liberal 
Republicans." 70 Party lines among the opposition seem to 
have been pretty much effaced for the time being. County 
conventions were variously referred to as " Liberals and Anti- 
Monopolists" and " Democrats and Liberals." 71 The Dem- 
ocratic attitude toward their allies was most respectful and 
cordial. Their leading organ never lost an opportunity to 
compliment the Liberals and to point out the harmony of 
interests between the Liberals and Anti-Monopolists and 
the Democratic party. 72 The Minnesota coalitionists elected 
one of the candidates on their state ticket, and, considering 
their lack of adequate resources and their inefficient organi- 
zation, they made surprising inroads on the usual Republican 
vote. 73 

68 Saby, Railroad Legislation in Minn., 122. For the divergent opinions 
of the Granger leaders regarding Donnelly's scheme for a new party 
see letters in Farmer's Union, Aug. 2, 23, 30, 1873. The Donnelly papers 
for 1873 contain a large number of letters responding favorably to Don- 
nelly's inquiry regarding the sentiment in different parts of the state 
toward the movement. Among the correspondents are such prominent 
Liberals as W. W. Mayo, S. M. Wilson, Samuel Mayall, and Ara Barton. 

69 St. Paul Weekly Press, Sept. 11, 1873. 

70 Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 511; St. Paul Weekly Pioneer, Oct. 3, 
1873. Donnelly wrote the next year that he and " scores of other 
Liberal Republicans" were members of this convention. Donnelly 
to L. E. Fisher, Apr. 1, 1874, Donnelly MSS. 

71 See reports in St. Paul Weekly Pioneer, throughout the campaign. 

72 See especially, editorials in ibid., Apr. 1, July 11, Aug. 8, Sept. 11. 

73 See editorial in Industrial Age, Nov. 15, 1873. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 207 

In Iowa the leading Liberals were active in the new 
Anti-Monopoly party, which for the time being absorbed the 
Democratic organization. 74 In this hidebound Republi- 
can state the new movement, in spite of most inadequate 
resources, made a good showing, especially in the local 
elections. 75 

But by far the most successful coalition of the Liberals 
with the Democrats in the West took place in Wisconsin. 
Here the Democrats sought deliberately and skilfully to 
retain the Liberals. Upon the advice of Democratic 
leaders, a Liberal was supported as the minority candidate 
for United States senator. 76 The party's leading organ was 
most zealous in seeking continued cooperation with the 
Liberals. "The signs of the times/ ' it urged early in the 
year, "make it alike the interest and duty of democrats and 
liberal republicans to thoroughly consolidate their organiza- 
tion and push forward with united effort and unflinching 
faith in the future." 77 The utterances of Liberal leaders in 

74 J. B. Grinnell and other Liberals were prominent in the Des Moines 
Anti-Monopoly Convention. Chicago Tribune, Aug. 14, 1873. It was 
reported that a motion to determine whether Democrats or Liberals 
predominated in the convention was lost. Milwaukee Sentinel, Aug. 14, 
1873. The Milwaukee Sentinel said (Aug. 15, 1873) that the convention 
"was begotten of a sort of incestuous connection between Democracy 
and Liberalism." Republican papers of the state predicted that most 
of the Liberals would be back with the old party this year. See Cedar 
Rapids Republican, quoted in Chicago Tribune, Aug. 15, 1873. The 
Chicago Tribune referred to the opposition party in the state throughout 
the campaign as "the Liberals." See political reports from the state in 
the issues of Oct. 14, 16, 17, 20, 1873. 

75 See editorial in Industrial Age, Nov. 15, 1873. In the lower house 
of the legislature there were 51 Republicans to 49 " Democrats, Liberals, 
independents, anti-monopolists." Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 382. 

76 Milwaukee News, Jan. 23, 1873. The Liberals had four assembly- 
men and two senators. The Republicans refused to give the Liberal 
senators committee assignments and they were given places by the 
Democrats. All of the Liberals but one senator acted with the Demo- 
crats. Ibid., Jan. 11, 14, 22. 

77 Ibid., Mar. 20. 



208 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

different parts of the country were quoted with great 
respect. 78 The failure of the Democrats in Ohio and New 
York to continue the alliance was greatly deplored, 79 while 
the successful coalition in Connecticut was held up as an 
example for the western opposition to emulate. 80 In the 
spring county and city elections the coalition was well 
maintained, the "Liberal-Democratic" and " Democratic- 
Liberal, " tickets, in which the candidates were fairly ap- 
portioned between the allies, meeting with marked success. 81 
Republican papers were certain that the Liberals were com- 
ing back to the old party, 82 but there was little evidence of 
such a tendency. In the main the opposition in the state 
was united and well prepared to conduct a reform, anti- 
monopoly movement in the fall. 83 In the state campaign, 
waged over the predominant anti-monopoly issue, the coali- 
tion policy met with a signal triumph. The call for a con- 
vention of "all Democrats, Liberal Republicans, and other 
electors of Wisconsin, friendly to genuine reform through 
equal and impartial legislation, honesty in office, and rigid 
economy in the administration of affairs" was signed 
jointly by the members of both the Democratic and the 
Liberal state committees. 84 In the convention 85 the Lib- 
eral element was very prominent and was accorded two 
places on the state ticket, the nominee for attorney general, 

78 Milwaukee News, Mar. 16, 28, Apr. 16. 

79 Ibid., Nov. 26; Madison Democrat, July 31, Oct. 10, 1873. 

80 Milwaukee News, Apr. 9, 1873; May 11, 1875; Madison Democrat, 
Apr. 8, 1873. 

81 Milwaukee News, Mar. 29, Apr. 1, 2, 3, 5, 20, 23; Madison Democrat, 
Mar. 29, Apr. 2, 1873. 

82 See editorials in Milwaukee Sentinel, Apr. 2, June 5, 7, 1873. 

83 Cf. editorials in Milwaukee News, May 15, Aug. 21, 1873. 

84 Ibid., Aug. 30, 31; Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 775. 

85 The "Reform Convention," which met at Milwaukee under the 
leadership of Dr. O. W. Wight the day before the coalition convention, 
after a conference, united with the Democratic-Liberals in a " People's 
Reform Convention," Milwaukee News, Sept. 25, 1873. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 209 

A. Scott Sloan, being the Liberal state chairman. 86 The 
opposition was officially termed the " People's Party," 
but the candidates, especially for local offices, were still 
referred to by Democratic papers as " Liberal Democratic/' 87 
and a mass meeting to be addressed by a prominent Liberal 
was announced as a " Liberal Republican Rally." 88 The 
election brought the coalition complete success. The state 
ticket was elected by about 15,000 and the combined op- 
position had a majority of twelve in the legislature. 89 The 
Democratic leaders and organs for the most part showed 
much tactful restraint, holding that the victory was not for 
their party alone but for all the elements of reform in the 
state, and a Bourbon member who hastened to rejoice over 
the revival of the old party was rebuked. 90 "This is no 
petty personal victory," one Democratic paper explained, 
"no small partisan triumph. The victors are not Demo- 
crats alone, nor Liberal Republicans, nor Germans, nor 
Grangers nor Farmers; they are all these combined." 91 

86 For detailed proceedings of the convention, see ibid., Sept. 25; 
Milwaukee Sentinel, Sept. 25, 1873. The other Liberal on the ticket was 
Prof. Searing, the candidate for superintendent of schools, "who had 
done good service for Greeley last fall." Wis. Weekly State Journal, 
Sept. 30, 1873. 

87 See, for instance, the list of assembly nominations so headed in 
Madison Democrat, Oct. 27, 1873. 

88 Ibid., Oct. 29. 

89 The report of the election in the Annual Cyclopedia for 1873 (p. 776) 
states that it "resulted in the success of the Democratic and Liberal 
Republican ticket." According to this authority two senators and eight 
assemblymen were "Liberals." 

90 Madison Democrat, Nov. 10, 1873. The N. Y. World announced 
(Nov. 5, 1873): — "we have . . . carried Wisconsin." 

91 Madison Democrat, Nov. 10, 1873. Alexander Mitchell of Mil- 
waukee wrote to Ignatius Donnelly (Nov. 8) that the result in Wiscon- 
sin must be as pleasing to Donnelly as to the "Democrats and Re- 
formers" in Wisconsin. Donnelly MSS. S. S. Cox of New York wrote 
(Nov. 12), congratulating Donnelly on the outcome of the western 
elections, and attributing the result to the farmers' movement. Ibid. 

15 



2IO THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Thus, throughout the West independent opposition parties 
developed in 1873, in all of which the Liberals constituted 
the leading or an influential element. 92 And in every case 
except Ohio these organizations acted in union with the 
Democrats. That party could afford to view the general 
situation with complacency. 93 

In the Democratic "land-slide" of 1874, by which the 
national House of Representatives and many state offices 
came again into the party's control, the Liberal influence, 
especially in the West, either in close alliance with the 
Democrats or in the independent movements, was an im- 
portant factor. In Ohio the former Liberal vote was 
largely absorbed by the Democrats, contributing greatly 
to the election of their local, state, and congressional 
tickets. 94 Indiana Liberal leaders seem now to have been 

92 The Chicago Tribune (Aug. 8, 1874) said editorially that the Liberal 
movement "failed in the Presidential election, but under one name or 
another it has continued to achieve success, ever since. Here it has 
been called Liberal Republican, and there Reform; elsewhere Independ- 
ent, and elsewhere by a still different name. But wherever the old 
orthodox, straight- jacketed Republican party has been defeated, it has 
been defeated by men advocating the principles enunciated by the 
Liberal Republican convention of 1872." 

93 The Milwaukee News (Oct. 19, 1873) summed up the situation thus: 
"We welcome the result in California, the result in Iowa, the result in 
Ohio, the result in Oregon as one. They all indicate the overthrow of 
the rascally corrupt administration faction of the Republican party. 
Names are nothing. When we get that party definitely beaten we will 
agree on new names, if they shall be desired, and on a platform, and 
measures of government. Until then let the opposition fight under such 
various banners as they may adopt, according to their locality and pros- 
pects of success. . . . We call it People's Reform in Wisconsin. 
They call it Democratic in Ohio. They call it Anti-Monopoly in Iowa. 
They call it Independent in California. The movement is one. The 
victory is one — Let us all rejoice." 

94 See editorials in Cincinnati Commercial, Apr. 7, 1874; Cincinnati 
Semi-Weekly Gazette, Oct. 16, 27, 1874; N. Y. World, Sept. 24, 1874 
(report of the political situation in Northern Ohio). These statements 
as to the support of the Democratic ticket by the Liberals seem to be 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 211 

identified with the Democrats, 95 though a few of the more 
radical were in the Independent party. 96 The Michigan 
Liberal leaders organized a ''National Reform Party" this 
year. 97 The new organization failed to coalesce fully with 
the Democrats, but a number of candidates were endorsed 
by the two organizations, acting separately, and the com- 
bined opposition made remarkable gains. 98 In Illinois the 
more radical of the Liberal element went into the Inde- 
pendent party, 99 but the most influential leaders who had 
been concerned in the movement joined the old parties, the 
more eminent going with the Democrats. 100 In the cam- 
paign special appeals were made to the Liberal vote. 101 

well borne out by the vote in Hamilton Co. Tribune Almanac, 1875, p. 
76. Banning, the Liberal congressman from the Cincinnati district, 
was renominated by the Democrats and declared his firm adherence to 
that party. Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Sept. 11, 1874. J- M. 
Ashley was defeated for the Democratic nomination in the Toledo dis- 
trict. Milwaukee Sentinel, Aug. 20, 1874. 

95 See correspondence from Indianapolis on the political situation in 
the state in Chicago Tribune, July 13, 1874. The activities of a " Demo- 
cratic-Liberal" county convention in the state were noted. Ibid., 
Aug. 3. John E. Neff, the Democratic candidate for secretary of state, 
had been a Liberal candidate for Congress in 1872. 

96 See, for instance, references to Frank C. Johnson, a former Liberal, 
as a member of the Independent party in Indiana. Industrial Age, 
June 20, 27, Oct. 24, 1874. 

97 Dilla, 155 f. 

98 Ibid., 156-172; Annual Cyclopedia, 1874, pp. 557-559. The op- 
position secured three congressmen, all gains, and reduced the Repub- 
lican majority in the legislature to ten. 

99 Bennett (Politics and Politicians of Chicago, 185) says that "Out 
of the scattered remnant of the Liberal movement was formed the Anti- 
Monopoly party." Cf. to the same effect, Lusk, Eighty Years of Il- 
linois, 242. A considerable number of Liberals took an active part 
in the Independent conventions of this year. Industrial Age, May 6, 
16, June 13, 1874; Moses, ///., II, 824. 

100 Koerner, Memoirs, II, 591; Bennett, 185. 

101 See statement of C. H. McCormick, the Democratic state chair- 
man, that an invitation had been given to the Liberals to consult with 
the Democratic committee. Industrial Age, July 25, 1874. The call 



212 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

The candidate for superintendent of public instruction 
supported by both the Democrats and Independents was 
elected, 102 and a coalition of these organizations was able 
to organize the new legislature. 103 The " Democratic-Lib- 
eral" organization was continued in Minnesota with large 
gains in the legislature, though no congressman was se- 
cured. 104 The Wisconsin coalition was continued under 
the designation of "Reform." To maintain cordial feel- 
ing and to prevent defection, the congressional candidates 
were divided equally between the Democrats and the Lib- 
erals. 105 But there was a considerable falling off in the 
opposition vote and the coalition lost the legislature. 106 
Kansas Liberals were leading spirits in the opposition "In- 
dependent Reform Party/' which secured a member of 
Congress. 107 Even in Iowa, the "Vermont of the West," 
the Democrats and Liberals under the name " Anti-Monop- 

for the Democratic state convention, addressed "To the Democracy, 
Liberals, and other opponents of the Republican party," was specially 
endorsed by a large number of leading Liberals. Chicago Tribune, 
Aug. 19, 1874. The Liberal element was prominent in the convention 
over which Governor Palmer presided. Ibid., Aug. 27; Koerner, II, 
591. Farnsworth and Le Moyne (former Liberals) were Democratic- 
Independent candidates for Congress. 

102 Annual Cyclopedia, 1874, p. 404. 

103 Chicago Tribune, Jan. 5, 8, 9, 1875. E. M. Haines, a former Lib- 
eral, now an Independent, was elected speaker of the house. 

104 The state convention was termed Democratic-Liberal. St. Paul 
Weekly Press, Oct. 1, 1874; Chicago Tribune, Sept. 24, 1874. The Re- 
publicans secured a majority in the legislature of only three. Annual 
Cyclopedia, 1874, p. 565. There was some dissension between the lead- 
ers of the two elements of the coalition, but the representatives of both 
in the legislature favored a union of the opposition. Donnelly to Fisher, 
Apr. 1, 1874; Fisher to Donnelly, Apr. 22, 1874, Donnelly MSS. 

105 Milwaukee News, Sept. 18, Oct. 3, Dec. 30, 1874. 

106 Annual Cyclopedia, 1874, p. 811. 

107 Wilder, 646, 648, 655, 656; Kan. Commonwealth, Aug. 6, 7, 1874. 
There were two Liberals on the state ticket and M. J. Parrott, the 
Liberal state chairman, was an unsuccessful candidate for Congress. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 213 

oly" were able to elect a congressman. 108 Missouri was 
the only state where the independents acted with the Re- 
publicans. 109 The Liberals and Democrats had continued 
to act together in local elections in 1873, n0 but the reaction- 
ary and extreme partisan attitude of the Democratic lead- 
ers, with the state safely in their control, tended to alienate 
their allies. 111 In 1874 the reform " People's Party" was 
supported by the Republicans and Liberals. 112 Schurz 
supported the movement vigorously, and it was generally 
understood that success would mean his reelection to the 
Senate. 113 The Democrats, however, were triumphant by 
a large majority. 114 

The defeat of four regular Republican candidates for the 
United States Senate, including two of the President's 
closest advisers, early in 1875, was accomplished by the 
combined opposition of the Democrats and Liberals in the 
legislatures. In Michigan a small group of discontented 
Republicans united with the Democrats and Liberals 
for the defeat of that valiant leader of the senatorial clique, 
Zach Chandler, electing Judge Christiancy, a conservative 

108 Annual Cyclopedia, 1874, pp. 41 8f. A correspondent to the 
Chicago Tribune (Aug. 18, 1874) from Dubuque said of the situation in 
one of the congressional districts that the Democrats and Liberals were 
well united, and that one of the leading candidates for the coalition 
nomination was "a thoroughgoing Liberal- Republican." 

109 The success of the Democratic state ticket in Oregon was due to 
the votes taken from the Republicans by the Independent party. 
Chicago Tribune, July 8, 1874. 

110 See report of the election of the ticket of the "Democrats and 
Liberals" in the St. Louis city election. Madison Democrat, Apr. 3, 
1873. 

111 See Schurz to Grosvenor, Dec. 25, 1872, Schurz 1 s Writings, II, 449. 

112 Editorial in St. Paul Weekly Press, Oct. 1, 1874. 

113 Idem; Chicago Tribune, Sept. 12, 22, 1874; Madison Democrat, 
Sept. 24, 1874. 

114 Annual Cyclopedia, 1874, p. 579. 



214 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

in high favor with the coalitionists. 115 The election of 1874, 
culminating in Chandler's defeat, " marks the high-tide of 
Democratic ... or at least of anti-Republican suc- 
cess" in Michigan during the Reconstruction period. 116 
A bitter contest between rival Republican candidates in 
Wisconsin gave the opposition an opportunity for a similar 
move in that state. The Democratic organ urged a union 
of "Democrats, Liberals, and Reformers in the Legisla- 
ture' ' with the bolting Republicans, if a candidate of satis- 
factory views could be agreed upon. 117 Such a candidate 
was found in Angus Cameron, an independent Republican 
and a former Democrat, and Senator Matt Carpenter, 
another member of the President's inner circle, was retired. 118 
The Republicans regarded Cameron's election as a real 
party defeat. 119 In Minnesota the tactics of the coali- 
tionists forced the Republicans to abandon the regular 
organization candidate and to elect as a compromise Judge 
McMillan, a conservative Republican, long out of active 
politics. 120 The Democrats and Liberals had at first sup- 

115 Dilla, 174-179. Stocking, Rep. Party in Mich., 124; Detroit Post 
and Tribune, Chandler, 338. The Madison Democrat (Jan. 23, 1875) 
said of the result: "The Liberal Democrats of Michigan deserve high 
praise for rising in this instance above mere party considerations and 
uniting with the handful of anti-Chandler Republicans in the election 
of such a man as Judge Christiancy." 

116 Dilla, 179. 

117 Milwaukee News, Jan. 23, 1875. 

118 The News said of Cameron's election (Feb. 4, 1875): "There is 
immense jubilation among all Democrats and Liberals." All of the 
Liberal members supported Cameron. Ibid., Feb. 6. See also on this 
coalition victory, editorials in Madison Democrat, Feb. 4, 1875; St. Paul 
Weekly Pioneer, Feb. 12, 1875. 

119 The Milwaukee Sentinel declared (Feb. 4, 1875): "The Democrats 
have hit the Republican party of Wisconsin a hard blow in defeating 
Senator Carpenter. . . . We believe we crowed over the result of 
the election in Wisconsin in the fall. We take it all back — it was a 
Democratic victory." 

120 Holmes, Minn., IV, 70 f. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 21 5 

ported the Liberal leader, Donnelly, 121 but later united upon 
an independent Democrat, planning to hold out until they 
could make an arrangement with bolting Republicans. 122 
Upon overtures by the Liberal ex-Senator Wilkinson, the 
Republicans hastened to abandon their caucus nominee. 123 
In Nebraska, Senator Tipton was succeeded by another 
Liberal, A. S. Paddock, who had the support of the Democ- 
rats and independents. 124 

The cooperation of the Liberals and independents with 
the Democrats was somewhat disturbed in 1875 by the in- 
jection of the greenback issue. The opposition in the West 
especially was divided over this issue. The reform People's 
party in Ohio in 1873 was not agreed on the subject and 
decided not to pronounce definitely on it, much to the dis- 
satisfaction of the leading Liberal and the conservative 
Democratic elements. 125 The Independent parties in In- 
diana and Illinois in 1874 were committed to inflation, 126 
and the Democratic organizations of Indiana and Ohio 
strongly leaned in the same direction. 127 The Illinois 
Democrats were saved from following in this course, it was 
claimed, by the influential Liberals who had joined with 
them. 128 The inflationist issue was squarely presented in 
the Ohio state campaign of 1875, when the Democratic 

121 St. Paul Weekly Pioneer, Feb. 12, 1875. 

122 The St. Paul Weekly Pioneer (Democratic) said (Feb. 19, 1875): 
"The Liberal- Democrats propose to stick to Lochren (the independent 
Democratic candidate) until an acceptable candidate can be found who 
can draw ten or twelve votes from the Republican side." 

123 Holmes, IV, 70. 

124 Watkins, Neb. Ill, 147 f. Paddock at first maintained an inde- 
pendent attitude on certain matters, as the southern question and the 
tariff, but joined the Republican caucus. Ibid., 149 f. 

125 See the expressions of opinion on this issue at the Cincinnati mass 
meeting, in Cincinnati Commercial, Aug. 5, 1873. 

126 Annual Cyclopedia, 1874, pp. 403, 413. 
™ Ibid., pp. 415, 667. 

128 See editorial in Chicago Tribune, Aug. 28, 1874. 



216 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Governor Allen on an inflationist platform was opposed 
by ex-Governor Hayes. 129 The action of the Democrats 
on the currency question drove the great mass of the Lib- 
eral element of the state to the Republicans. The Liberal 
organs and leaders, almost without exception, supported 
Hayes. 130 Schurz was prevailed upon to return from Europe 
to take part in this campaign which was regarded as a most 
critical test of the currency question. 131 He and Grosvenor, 
as representatives of the original Liberal reformers, made 
a vigorous and effective series of speeches. 132 Schurz main- 
tained that he was not speaking in the interest of the Re- 
publican party, but simply in that of an honest currency. 133 
The Liberal influence seems to have been decisive in 
defeating the Democratic candidate and his "rag-money" 
propaganda. 134 But farther west the more radical Liberals 

129 Annual Cyclopedia, 1875, pp. 606 f. 

130 n y. World, July 15, 1875; Boston Weekly Advertiser, July 15, 
1875; Milwaukee Sentinel, Sept. 28, 1875; Cincinnati Commercial 
throughout the campaign. Halstead's Commercial, Hassaurek's Volks- 
blatt and Brinkerhoff's Ohio Liberal, all supported Hayes. The Com- 
mercial estimated (July 17, 1875) that two thirds of those voting the 
independent ticket in 1873 would now support Hayes. 

131 Schurz' s Writings, III, 157-160; Bancroft-Dunning, Schurz } s 
Pol. Career, 363; Cincinnati Commercial, Sept. 22, 1875. 

132 Schurz' s Writings, III, 161-215; Cincinnati Commercial, Sept. 
28, 1875; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 28, 1875; St. Paul Weekly Pioneer Press, 
Aug. 20, 1875. 

133 Schurz' 's Writings , III, 1 63 . 

134 Wickoff to Schurz, Oct. 26, 1875, ioid., 217; C. F. Adams, Jr. to 
Schurz, Oct. 13, 1875, ibid., 215; Bowles to Halstead, Oct. 19, 1875, 
Merriam, Bowles, II, 348; N. Y. Herald editorial, Oct. 14, 1875. The 
Ohio Liberal said of the result: " It is evident now to every one that the 
Liberals of Ohio are the balance of power in the politics of the State. 
That party, in 1876, which expects to carry Ohio must have the Liberal 
vote, and that vote will be cast for the party which most nearly repre- 
sents Liberal principles." Quoted in Cincinnati Commercial, Nov. 5, 
1875. Hamilton County which gave the Democratic candidate for 
secretary of state in 1874 a plurality of 4,637, went for Hayes by 1,295. 
Evening Journal Almanac, 1876, p. 74. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 21 7 

were prominent 135 in the " Greenback' ' parties which de- 
veloped in 1875-1876, and these parties, drawing a large 
part of their membership from the Republicans, like the 
other independent movements, worked in the Democratic 
interest. 136 

Thus, up to the presidential year, 1876, the independent 
movements in the West, in which the Liberal Republicans 
took such an influential part, were a decided aid in the re- 
juvenation of the Democracy. There were some reverses 
in 1875, as was to be expected after a " landslide, " but 
in the main, the opposition in this section was well hold- 
ing its ground. 137 

135 See proceedings of state and local conventions of the " Independent 
Reform" party in Kansas in 1876 in which Liberals took an active part. 
Kan. Commonwealth, July 28; Aug. 26, Oct. 27, 1876. In Minnesota, 
Donnelly, Ayres, and Sherwood were leaders in the Independent (Green- 
back) party. Industrial Age, Sept. 23, 1876. In a Greenback conven- 
tion at Grand Rapids, Michigan, in August, 1876, former Liberals were 
prominent. Chicago Tribune, Aug. 4, 1876. The state convention of 
the Independent (Greenback) party in Iowa in 1876, according to the 
Iowa State Register (May 19, 1876), was composed "mainly of former 
Democrats and Liberals," quoted in Haynes, 154. The Greenback 
candidate for governor in Iowa in 1877 was a former Liberal, ibid., 156. 
Liberals, as already stated, were leaders in the Independent parties in 
Indiana and Illinois. 

136 Dilla, 200; Chicago Tribune editorials, Oct. 16, 25, 1876 (comment- 
ing on state canvasses in Indiana and Illinois). 

137 The Democratic-Liberal coalition in Wisconsin was continued in 
1875 (under the name of "Reform party"), the state ticket was re- 
nominated and all reelected but the candidate for governor. Mil- 
waukee News, July 1, 17, 22; Aug. 8, Sept. 9, 12, 1875; Annual Cyclo- 
pedia, 1875, pp. 763 f. The Democrats and National Reformers in 
Michigan united on the same candidates this year. Dilla, 183. In 
Minnesota a Liberal was named for lieutenant governor by the Demo- 
cratic convention. Chicago Tribune, July 8, 1875. "The Democrats, 
Liberal Republicans, and Anti-Monopolists of the State of Iowa" 
continued to act together in 1875. Chicago Tribune, June 25, 1875. 
The Milwaukee Sentinel (June 26, 1875) characterized the Iowa oppo- 
sition as the "three witches." The Independent party in California 
(whose connections with the Liberals, as already pointed out, was not 



2l8 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

4. THE EAST 

In the East, with the early withdrawal of a large portion 
of the independent reform group, the Liberal activities, for 
the most part, degenerated into the schemings of predatory 
politicians to secure favors from one or the other of the old 
parties. In the South the desire for home-rule was driving 
all of the conservatives into the opposition; in the West 
there were sincere, if erratic, efforts at economic reforms of 
which the Liberal and other independent political move- 
ments were an expression; but in the East in this period 
there was no such widespread popular zeal for independent 
political action. 

In New England the Liberal organizations were continued 
in several states. In New Hampshire, where the usual 
closeness of the vote gave an independent movement an 
especial significance, 138 the Liberals held a state convention 
in the spring of 1873 attended largely by members of the 
state committee. Candidates for state, district and county 
offices were nominated. 139 It was charged that the organ- 
ization was working in the interest of the Democrats to 
throw the election into the legislature. 140 The Liberal 
ticket secured less than 700 votes out of a total of 67,000, 
with but three members of the lower house, and the Repub- 
licans carried the state by a narrow majority. 141 The next 
year the Liberal organization was abandoned, and the most 
prominent members acted in future with the Democrats, 
the party being referred to for a time as " Democratic- 
very direct) by running a separate ticket enabled the straight Demo- 
cratic candidates to win by a good plurality. Annual Cyclopedia, 1875, 
pp. 99-101. 

138 See Lyford, Rollins, 11. 

139 Ibid., 294; Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 533. Leaders of the late 
Labor Reform party took part in this convention. 

140 See editorials in Chicago Tribune, Feb. 20, 1873, and Milwaukee 
Sentinel, Mar. 14, 1873. 

141 Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 534; Lyford, 299. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 219 

Liberal.'' 142 The Connecticut Democratic-Liberal coali- 
tion proved most successful in carrying elections. 143 The 
Liberals were well represented in the state convention of 
1873, one of their number was made temporary chairman, 
and the candidates for lieutenant-governor and treasurer 
were taken from Liberal ranks. 144 The successful canvass 
of this year 145 was repeated in the three following years, the 
Liberal officials being kept on the ticket, and special pains 
being taken in other ways to conciliate that element. 146 
The Liberal members in the legislature acted with the Demo- 
crats, and one of their number was chosen speaker in 1875. 147 
The year before the legislature had chosen a Liberal for one 

142 N. Y. Tribune, Mar. 11, 1874. The Democrats carried the state 
in 1874 an d the Liberal vote may have contributed to that result. 

143 See reference to the cordial attitude of the Democrats toward the 
Liberals in that state in the campaign of 1872. Above, ch. V, note 59. 

144 Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 239; N. Y. Tribune, Feb. 20, 1873; 
N. Y. World, Feb. 20, 1873. The principles of the Cincinnati platform 
were reaffirmed and Greeley was eulogized in the resolutions. For the 
most cordial and conciliatory attitude of the Democrats toward their 
Liberal allies in the campaign, see the quotations from the Connecticut 
Democratic papers in the N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 2, 1873. 

145 Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 240. The N. Y. World considered the 
election of the Democratic-Liberal state ticket of great significance. 
Editorial, Apr. 8, 1873. About a dozen town officials were classed as 
"Liberals." See list in Mass. Weekly Spy, Oct. 17, 1873. 

146 Annual Cyclopedia, 1874, PP- 2 4° f; l8 75, pp. 218 f.; 1876, pp. 
205 f . The N. Y. Tribune in reporting the success of the coalition ticket 
in 1874 said (Apr. 7): "The Union between the Democrats and Liberals 
in this state has been fostered by the conciliatory utterances of the lead- 
ing Democratic newspapers and the disposition to give the Liberals 
recognition in the nominations. In consequence of this, the Liberals 
have everywhere acted in concert with the Democrats, and will have a 
fair sprinkling of representatives in both branches of the legislature." 
The Hartford Times said that the success of the ticket in 1875 was aided 
materially by the Liberals whose aid had been welcomed and recognized 
by nominations for state offices and for the legislature where they would 
be well represented. "The Radicals abuse the Liberals, the Democrats 
are proud to act with them." Quoted in N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 15, 1875. 

147 N. Y. Tribune, May 6, 1875. 



220 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

of the judges of the Superior Court. 148 Prominent Liberals 
were named for Congress, in normally Republican dis- 
tricts, 149 and D. A. Wells was spoken of for United States 
senator in 1874. 150 Massachusetts Liberals did not call a 
convention in 1873, an d finally decided not even to issue an 
address. 151 The campaign of 1874 * n Massachusetts with 
its election of independent congressmen and retirement of 
objectionable politicians was regarded as a decided triumph 
for the element who had revolted in 1872. 152 The next 
year C. F. Adams was supported for the United States 
Senate by the Democrats and independent Republicans, 153 
and later in the year the leading Liberals issued an address 
formally uniting with the Democrats. 154 The Liberal ele- 
ment was represented in the Democratic state convention 
that year and given two places on the ticket. 155 

148 N. Y. World, June 12, 1874. 

149 Judge Foster in 1875 and D. A. Wells in 1876. The World (Apr. 
7, 1875) attributed Foster's defeat to the apathy of the Liberals. 

150 Also in 1876, but apparently always by Liberal or independent 
papers. See N. Y. World, May 7, 1874; N. Y. Tribune, Apr. 11, 1876. 

151 They had at first intended to issue an address setting forth their 
views. N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 17, Oct. n, 1873. General Banks was 
elected to the state senate this year as an independent. Mass. Weekly 
Spy, Oct. 31, Nov. 7, 1873. 

152 Merriam, II, 273. A widespread Republican defection was threat- 
ened this year in case of the success of Banks for the gubernatorial nom- 
ination. Norton to Lowell, Mar. 13, 1874, Norton, Letters, II, 37. 
The Boston Advertiser urged C. F. Adams for Sumner's successor. 
Weekly Advertiser, Mar. 19, 1874. 

153 Chicago Tribune, Jan. 21, 1875. 

154 Annual Cyclopedia, 1875, p. 477. 

155 Ibid., p. 478; Mass. Weekly Spy, Sept. 24, 1875. W. F. Bartlett, 
the Liberal who was named for lieutenant governor, finally declined. 
Palfrey, Bartlett, 276; Merriam, II, 347 f. A "National Union Party" 
was organized in Boston in 1875 with General Banks as the chief mover, 
but it apparently never secured a following. Annual Cyclopedia, 1875, 
p. 477; Nation, Aug. 26, 1875, p. 125. A Liberal county convention 
was reported at Bangor, Maine, in 1873, with a small attendance. 
N. Y. World, Aug. 15, 1873. No Liberal activities, after 1872, in Ver- 
mont or Rhode Island have been noted. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 221 

Pennsylvania Democrats seem not to have taken a very 
tactful course toward their Liberal recruits. The old- 
time leaders of the party were put forward in a most un- 
compromising fashion. 156 But, for all that, the Liberals 
were more in sympathy with the Democrats than with the 
administration party in the state and probably contributed 
considerably to Democratic success in 1874, especially in 
the local and congressional elections. 157 In 1875, however, 
the inflationist policy of the Democrats here, as in Ohio, 
completely alienated the best portion of the Liberals. 158 

The New York Liberals maintained a separate organiza- 
tion down to the campaign of 1876, and at times controlled 
enough votes to hold a balance between the regular parties. 
But, for the most part, the organization had degenerated 
into a band of politicians whose chief aim was to extort 
patronage or other recognition from one or the other of the 
old parties, and to drive the best bargains before they re- 
turned to party regularity. 159 Chief among these political 
traders was John Cochrane, the chairman of the state com- 
mittee. 

In 1873 Cochrane's band of political guerrillas began their 
manoeuvring with an invitation to the Democratic commit- 
tee to unite with the Liberals in issuing their call for a 

156 Editorials in N. Y. Herald, Aug. 29, 1873; Philadelphia Enquirer, 
Nov. 9, 1874. 

167 Philadelphia Enquirer, Nov. 9, 1874. 

158 AT. F. Tribune, Sept. 23, 1875; Mass. Weekly Spy, Oct. 1, 1875. 
The Democratic convention this year in its resolutions "cordially invite 
the Liberal Republicans and all other men, without regard to past party 
affiliation, to cooperate with us." Annual Cyclopedia, 1875, p. 618. 
Colonel McClure was the only representative of his faction in the legis- 
lature. McClure, Old Time Notes, II, 359. 

159 The N. Y. Herald well characterized the organization (Sept. 24, 
1875) as "A kind of blackmailing business, a combination of office-seek- 
ers who meant to strike either side for place and to keep on striking until 
they were all provided." See also criticisms of Cochrane' s policy in 
Cincinnati Commercial, Sept. n, 22, 1873. 



222 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

state convention. 160 The Democratic committee had no 
thought of such an alliance, 161 but considered the advisa- 
bility of increasing the delegation from each assembly dis- 
trict from one to three so that the Liberals might have a 
better chance to be represented in the convention. The 
committee was divided as to the wisdom of this proposal and 
it was not adopted. 162 There was much dissatisfaction in 
the party, especially up-state, with the committee's de- 
cision, as it was regarded as highly expedient to retain the 
Liberal vote which in some sections seemed of respectable 
size. 163 In some counties Liberal delegates were chosen 
by the Democratic conventions. 164 In the Democratic 
state convention there were a considerable number of former 
Liberals, who were welcomed by the chairman but given to 
understand that henceforth the coalition was to be on a 
strictly Democratic basis. 165 The platform recognized in 
the Liberals " worthy coadjutors/' invited their coopera- 
tion in seeking reforms, 166 and, as a more direct bid for 
votes, renominated Thomas Raines, the Liberal state 
treasurer. 167 But the Liberal committee decided to hold 
their own convention, explaining in their call that the needed 

160 N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 25, 1873. 

161 See the World's indignant editorial on Cochrane's proposition. 
Aug. 26, 1873. The World was opposed to continuing an alliance with 
the Liberal organization as such. See editorials, Nov. 9, 1872, June 
27, 1873. 

162 N. Y. World, Sept. 1, 3, 4, 1873; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 4, 1873. 
The amendment was apparently defeated through the influence of 
John Kelly who feared that it would aid the Apollo Hall faction in the 
City. 

163 Democratic papers quoted in N. Y. World, Aug. 25, Sept. 3, 
1873, and in N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 4, 6, 1873; Albany Argus, Sept. 2, 3, 
1873. The Argus (Sept. 2) chided the World for its injustice to "Our 
Liberal Allies." 

164 N. Y. Herald, Sept. 29, 1873. 

m Argus, Oct. 3, 1873; N. Y. Tribune, Oct. 3, 1873. 

166 Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 550. 

167 Argus, Oct. 3, 1873. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 223 

reforms could not be expected from the Republicans " identi- 
fied with public abuses' ' nor from the Democrats "whose 
state committee has refused to unite wuth us in repressing 
them." 168 The convention, after listening to long speeches 
and adopting resolutions denouncing the evils of the time 
and expressing their zeal for reform, endorsed the Demo- 
cratic candidates with the exception of those for comp- 
troller and prison-inspector, for whom they substituted the 
Republican nominees. 169 In the election the Democratic 
candidates supported by the Liberals were elected by plural- 
ities of from 10,000 to 14,000; while the Republican- 
Liberal nominees won by about 4,ooo. 170 It was clear, as 
all sides had to admit, that, with the old parties in the state 
so evenly matched, the Liberals held the balance of power. 171 
General Cochrane and kindred spirits would doubtless 
have been content to hold this balance as long as it promised 
to yield spoils, but Liberals with more ability and a higher 
ambition were anxious to get back into regular party lines; 
and most of them took advantage of the state and congres- 
sional elections of 1874 to make this transition. At a pre- 
liminary conference of the leading Liberals in May it was 
finally decided that the Liberals would "in the future as in 
the past keep their organization intact," and that the com- 
mittee should call a state convention. 172 Their convention 
met early in September, before the other conventions, ob- 
viously to secure some advantage from one of the regular 

168 jv # y. Tribune, Sept. 12, 1873. 

169 Annual Cyclopedia, 1873, p. 551; N. Y. Tribune, Oct. 9, 1873. 
There were 164 delegates in attendance from 22 counties. 

170 Evening Journal Almanac, 1874, pp. 71-73. Local Democratic 
tickets were quite generally endorsed by the Liberals. World, Oct. 21, 
27,28, Nov. 3, 1873. 

171 N. Y. Tribune, Nov. 15, 1873; N. Y. Herald, same date; World, 
same date. The Democratic committee was held largely responsible 
for the result by its failure to increase the representation in the con- 
vention. Argus, Nov. 13, 1873; World, Nov. 18, 1873. 

172 N. Y. Tribune, May 11, 14, 1874. 



224 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

organizations. Fenton at this time seems to have had some 
understanding with the machine element of the Democrats, 
who were seeking to secure Judge Church's nomination in 
place of Tilden, and there was an effort to have the Judge 
endorsed by the Liberal convention as a means of forcing 
him upon the Democrats. But opposition to this policy 
developed in the convention, and it adjourned to a later 
date. 173 The former Liberals were well represented in 
the Democratic convention, and the platform praised "the 
independence and patriotism of the Liberal Republicans 
who, preferring principles to party,' ' would now unite with 
the Democrats. The Liberals claimed, as a condition of the 
union, the lieutenant governorship, and William Dorsheimer, 
one of the most able of the Liberal element in the state, was 
selected over the regular Democratic aspirant. 174 No less 
than eight Democratic congressional nominations were also 
tendered to Liberals. 175 On the other side, prominent 
Liberals rejoined the Republicans. 176 During the campaign 
the predominant Liberal wsentiment was considered to be for 
the Democratic ticket headed by Tilden. The adjourned 
Liberal convention had taken no definite action, but there 
was much sentiment expressed for endorsing the Demo- 

173 Alexander, Pol. Hist, of N. K, III, 312; Bigelow, Tilden, I, 221, 
222, 225, 336; N. Y. Herald, Sept. 9, 10, 1874; World, Sept. 10, 1874. 

174 World, Sept. 18, 1874; N. Y. Tribune, same date. The call for 
the convention was issued to "the Democratic and Liberal Republican 
electors." World, Aug. 22, 1874. The World headed its account of the 
convention " unanimous nominations by Democrats and Liberals." 

175 World, Oct. 23, 28, 29, 1874. Two of these candidates subse- 
quently declined the nominations, and of the remaining six, four were 
elected. 

176 Such as Depew, Hiscock, and Merritt. Fenton's position was in 
doubt. His speech at the Liberal convention was entirely non-committal 
and it was charged that he was seeking to secure the election of enough 
Liberals to the legislature to bargain with one of the parties for his re- 
turn to the Senate. A T . Y. Herald, Sept. 10, 1874; Nation, Sept. 10, 
1874, p. 164. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 225 

cratic nominees. 177 The opposition was now referred to as 
"Democratic-Liberals" 178 and special appeals were made 
by Tilden's supporters to the latter element. 179 The cam- 
paign of 1874 marked the end of the New York Liberals 
as a faction with any capable or reputable leaders and 
with any certain voting strength. There was apparently 
little to be gained by holding together the disintegrating 
following and some of the local organizations were op- 
posed to meeting the expenses of primaries. The efforts 
of Cochranites to secure state patronage had been most 
disappointing, though they had secured a few city positions 
through an alliance with Mayor Havemeyer. 180 The 
Evening Post remarked that the organization had been 
"kept alive solely to see what it could make. Now, how- 
ever, it has obtained everything that it can get from Demo- 
crats and Republicans and may as well be disbanded/' 181 

But the hard-fought state election of 1875 gave a re- 
newed importance to Cochrane's little band whose following 
was eagerly sought after by both parties. The Republicans 
for the first time now made open bids for Liberal support. 182 

177 World, Sept. 30, 1874. The N. Y. Herald, Oct. 15, 1874 said the 
N. Y. Liberals had largely merged with the Democrats. 

178 The World so designated the ticket throughout the campaign. 
A campaign lithograph of Tilden was labelled "Democratic and Liberal 
Candidate for Governor." See reproduction in Buckman, Tilden 
Unmasked, 72. 

179 World, Aug. 21, Oct. 12, 31, 1874. The N. Y. Tribune favored 
Tilden, see editorial Sept. 18, 1874; Reid to Bigelow, Nov. 7, 1874, 
Bigelow, Retrospection, V, 170. 

180 N. Y. Herald, June 2, 1874; N. Y. Tribune, May 11, 1874. 

181 Evening Post, Sept. 24, 1875. The Liberals secured four assembly- 
men and two senators, but as the Democrats had a majority on joint 
ballot without them, they were not able to "hold the balance." See 
World, Dec. 11, 1874. The Liberal members, however, held a separate 
caucus and named candidates, ibid., Jan. 6, 1875. 

182 The Springfield Republican predicted that the Liberal "leaders" 
in New York would sell out their vote to the Republicans and "be 
unable to deliver the goods." Quoted in N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 11, 1875. 

16 



226 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Their call was worded to include all straying members who 
would return, 183 and such bolters as appeared in the conven- 
tion were cordially welcomed. General Merritt, a Liberal 
who had returned to the party the previous year, was named 
for state treasurer. 184 Fenton, whose reconciliation with 
the President had been reported some time previous, 185 
was now able to act with the Republicans as they had, in 
his opinion, become " liberalized. " 186 The " Democratic- 
Liberal" state convention also named a Liberal candidate, 187 
and Liberal organizations in various parts of the state 
pledged their continued support of Tilden's reform work. 188 
In the Liberal state convention the Governor's policy was 
formally endorsed, and strong efforts were made to secure a 
coalition on the state ticket. 189 But this was prevented by 
Cochrane, 190 who openly opposed the Democrats and ad- 
vocated a reunion of the Republican factions. 191 It was 
evident that the New York Liberals were far from unified, 
and would soon split up between the old parties. 

The Tribune said on the eve of the Republican convention (Sept. 8) 
that there was "every disposition to extend a hand to the Liberals," 
and that "there was little doubt that almost any place on the state 
ticket might have been theirs had they chosen to ask for it." 

183 N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 12, 1875. 

184 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 9, 1875. 

185 Fenton lunched with the President in August. Chicago Tribune, 
Aug. 20, 1875. 

186 See his letter to the Republican state chairman in N. Y. Tribune, 
Oct. 9, 1875. 

187 For inspector of state prisons. His nomination was urged "chiefly 
in recognition of the Liberals." World, Sept. 18, 1875. 

188 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 23, 1875. The Tribune strongly favored the 
Democratic ticket. See editorials, Oct. 29, 30, 1875. 

189 World, Tribune, Herald, Sept. 23, 1875. 

190 N. Y. Times, Sept. 23, 1875. 

191 N. Y. correspondent of Chicago Journal, quoted in Wis. State 
Journal, July 27, 1875. Ethan Allen was said to be willing to join the 
Republicans if he could secure office from them and prominent up-state 
Liberals were returning to the old parties. Idem; N. Y. Herald, Oct. 
17, 1875. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 227 
5. THE LIBERALS IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1 876 

The strength of the Democratic party, both numerically 
and morally, in 1876 was vastly superior to what it had been 
four years before. Many factors contributed to its in- 
creased vitality, such as the anti-monopoly movements in 
the West, the financial depression, and the numerous and 
widespread abuses uncovered in the Republican administra- 
tion. But, as the foregoing review of local conditions has 
shown, considerable weight must be given to the influence 
of the Liberal element, both in adding directly to the Demo- 
cratic vote and in increasing the party's reputation for 
loyalty and integrity. The party had not in all cases 
shown a sufficiently conciliatory and tactful attitude to- 
ward the exacting allies, and in some states the dominance 
of the Bourbon element had frightened away the new- 
comers, but, in the main, the influence of the Republican 
bolters of 1872 had worked decidedly for Democratic suc- 
cess. 

Republicans viewed with no little anxiety the increasing 
success of the coalition, especially in the election of 1874, 
and tried to attract back their seceded members. In- 
dependent leaders, like Schurz, were referred to in a re- 
spectful and even appreciative manner by the administra- 
tion press. 192 The bugaboo of the old unreconstructed 
Democracy was still utilized. The coalition, it was held, 
instead of advancing the Liberal cause, was simply aiding 
the old-time Bourbon Democrats to reintrench themselves 
in office. 193 After all, the best way of securing real reforms, 
the Liberals were reminded, was in the good old party and 
their return before the next presidential election was con- 

192 See Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Dec. 29, 1874; St. Paul 
Weekly Pioneer-Press, Aug. 20, 1875, Apr. 20, 1876. 

193 Milwaukee Sentinel, May 23, 1874, June 8, 1875; Cincinnati 
Semi-Weekly Gazette, Nov. 20, 1874. 



228 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

fidently predicted. 194 Henry Wilson, in an interview in the 
spring of 1875, confessed frankly that the party had made 
a great blunder in forcing out the Liberals in '72, and that 
now all conciliatory measures possible should be adopted to 
get them back, though he realized that some were hopelessly 
lost to the Democrats. 195 Even the President took pains 
to make peace with Liberal leaders. 196 

The independent leaders who had started the national 
Liberal movement, and whom their organs still designated 
as " Liberals/' planned to make an attempt in 1876 to re- 
trieve what they had lost in 1872. 197 To Halstead and 
Bowles, the chief editorial champions of the cause of the 
independents, E. B. Washburne, as the regular Republi- 
can candidate, had seemed for a time the best possibility; 198 
but they soon came back to their first love, C. F. Adams. 199 

194 Wis. State Journal, Dec. 8, 1874, July 27, 1875; Milwaukee Senti- 
nel, May 16, 1874; St. Paul Weekly Pioneer-Press, Oct. 1, 1875; Boston 
Weekly Advertiser, July 22, 1875. 

195 Interview in N. Y. Tribune, June 5, 1875, and letter replying to 
criticism of his statements in Boston Weekly Advertiser, July 1, 1875. 
In April Wilson was reported as saying to F. A. Conkling that the 
Liberal Republicans held the political balance of power and they would 
decide the presidential election of 1876. N. Y. Sun, quoted in Industrial 
Age, May 1, 1875. 

196 Grant appeared in company with the leader of the New York 
City Liberals and a close friend of Fenton's when he paid a visit to the 
city in June, 1874, and it was reported that he had made up with the 
Senator. N. Y. Herald, June 7, 1874. His lunch with the Senator a 
year later was taken as a sign of complete reconciliation. Chicago 
Tribune, Aug. 20, 1875. In December, 1874, the President offered a 
position in the Baltimore custom-house to A. W. Bradford, the leading 
Liberal of the state. N. Y. World, Dec. 28, 1874. 

197 Cf. Schurzto Grosvenor, July 16, 1875, Schurz's Writings, III, 155 f. 

198 W. H. Huntington to Bigelow, Oct. 17, 1874, Bigelow, Retro- 
spection, V, 167. 

199 Bowles, to Halstead, Oct. 19, 1875, Mar. 4, 1876, Merriam, II, 
348 f; Chicago Tribune, May 3, 1875 (reprinting Halstead's interview 
in N. Y. Sun); Cincinnati Commercial, May 8, 1875; see also Bancroft- 
Dunning, 361 f. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 229 

A council of the independents to consider their future ac- 
tion was held, under the guise of a banquet to Schurz, in 
New York City in April, 1875. 200 Schurz advised that the 
independents agree upon some plan of concerted action for 
the approaching campaign. 201 The independents now had 
high hopes of concessions from the Republicans if the party 
reverses continued, and the fall election in Ohio was con- 
sidered a good test of party strength. But much as the 
reformers desired to have the old organization at their mercy, 
they felt compelled, in view of the inflationist platform of 
the Democrats, to lend a decisive support to the Republican 
ticket. 202 

In the national campaign the independents were deter- 
mined to support none but an approved reform candi- 
date. As their ultimatum to the regular parties, the 
" Independents' ' or "Liberals," as they were variously 
termed, under the management of Schurz and Bowles, 203 
held a conference in New York, in May, 1876, which was 
watched with much attention by the politicians of both 
parties. Candidates were not discussed by name, but the 
statement in their address of the sort of candidates that the 
independents would not support restricted the choice to a 
very small group. 204 It was generally understood that 
Bristow — respected by the reformers for his work against 
the whiskey ring 205 of the suggested Republican candidates, 

200 Schurz to H. A. Brown, Apr. 16, 1875, Schurz' s Writings, III, 153. 

201 N. Y. World, Apr. 28, 1875. 

202 So stated in Cincinnati Commercial editorial, June 2, 1876. 

203 See Schurz's letters to Bowles and others on the subject, Writ- 
ings, III, 217-220, 230 f., 232 f., 233-239. The invitation to the con- 
ference, signed by Bryant, Woolsey, Bullock, White, and Schurz, is 
given in ibid., 228 f. 

204 Ibid., 240-248; Annual Cyclopedia, 1876, pp. 779 f. 

205 Bowles to Halstead, Mar. 4, 1876, Merriam, II, 349; Schurz- 
Bristow correspondence, Schurz' s Writings, III, 220, 221, 226. 



230 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

and Tilden, of the Democratic possibilities, were strongly 
favored. 206 

The national Liberal organization after 1872 had appar- 
ently had no existence except in the occasional statements 
of Ethan Allen, its national chairman. 207 But with the 
approach of another national campaign, Allen saw fit to 
revive his old dignity and summon a national conference 
which met at New York on May 9, with representatives 
from about thirty states. It was determined that a na- 
tional Liberal convention should be held at Philadelphia 
on July 26, but since the Liberals did not favor " causeless 
independent action/' it was provided that, if, after the reg- 
ular conventions, one or both of the old parties in the judg- 
ment of the national chairman had responded to the prin- 
ciples and aims of the Liberal Republican organization 
"both in measures and men" Allen was authorized to annul 
the call. 208 

In the campaign much attention was given to the at- 
titude of the former Liberals. There was a considerable 
representation of ex-Liberals in both of the national conven- 
tions. 209 The nomination by both parties of candidates with 
strong reform tendencies divided the independent sup- 
port. The inflationist views of the Democratic candidate 
for vice-president decided some for the Republicans, 210 

206 For accounts of the meeting and lists of the leading participants, 
see Annual Cyclopedia, 1876, pp. 779 f.; Merriam, Bowles, II, 254; 
Bancroft-Dunning, 367; N. Y. Herald, May 16, 17, 1876; N. Y. Trib- 
une, same dates; Chicago Tribune, same dates; Cincinnati Commercial, 
same dates and June 14 (gives list of those taking part or endorsing the 
movement); Koerner, II, 599-602. 

207 See interviews with Allen in N. Y. Herald, Aug. 1, Sept. 6, 1873. 

208 N. Y. Herald, May 9, 1876; N. Y. Tribune, same date. 

209 See lists of delegates in the official proceedings of the two national 
conventions, and appeals to Liberals in the Democratic convention by 
Doolittle and Gratz Brown. Official Proceedings National Dem. Con., 
1876, pp. 88, 91. 

210 Reid to Bigelow, July 9, 1876, Tilden, Letters, II, 439; Godkin 
to Norton, July 14, 1876. Ogden, Godkin, II, 112. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 23 1 

while Tilden's standing as a reformer, and the failure of the 
Republicans to name Bristow determined others for the 
Democrats. 211 Schurz came out strongly for Hayes and 
was a leading adviser in the campaign. 212 His course was 
condemned by fellow independents of Democratic leanings, 
who held that the generally assumed understanding of the 
New York conference committed him to the support of 
Tilden. 213 The greater number of the independent journals, 
after some hesitation, also supported Hayes. 

Allen, who for some time had been seeking to ingratiate 
himself with the Republican organization, issued a letter in 
July stating that, after conferring with the members of the 
national committee, the decision was practically unanimous 
that the call for the national Liberal convention should be 
annulled and that Hayes and Wheeler should be endorsed in 
the name of the Liberal Republicans of the United States. 
He thought it the logical result of the Liberal movement 
that it should support the Republican candidate who stood 
for civil service reform, an early return to specie payment, 

211 Godwin to Bigelow, Aug. 28, 1876, Tilden, Letters, II, 451; Bry- 
ant to Bigelow, Sept. 21, 1876, ibid., 466; Wells to Tilden, May 6, 
1876, ibid., 404; [C. F. Adams, Jr., probably] "The Independents in the 
Canvass," North American Review, Oct., 1876, pp. 426-467; list of lead- 
ing Ohio Liberals supporting Tilden in Cincinnati Commercial, June 30, 
July 9, 1876; Koerner, II, 605; F. W. Bird's letter to Allen, quoted 
in N. Y. World, May 15, 1876; Julian, Later Speeches, 108 ff.; Pal- 
frey, 292; Brinkerhoff, 223-225. 

212 Schurz's correspondence with Hayes in Schurz' s Writings, III, 
248-257, 280-282, 286, 289-290. See a campaign speech, ibid., 290- 
337. Schurz's explanation of his course is given in his letter to C. F. 
Adams, Jr., ibid., 259. 

213 Bancroft-Dunning, 369; Koerner, II, 611 f. For Schurz's public 
defence of his course, see his letter to Oswald Ottendorfer in his Writ- 
ings, III, 261-280. Schurz had previously declared that Adams and 
Bristow were the only Republican candidates that he would support. 
See his letter to Cahoon in March, ibid., 223. The Cincinnati Commer- 
cial (May 29, 1876) predicted that Schurz would support Tilden in 
preference to Hayes. 



232 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

and one term for the president. "If the Liberals of 1872," 
he urged, "sustained Horace Greeley, who was the foremost 
Republican of his day, because he was an unselfish patriot 
and an honest man, they must now sustain General Hayes 
for the same reason and to do otherwise would be incon- 
sistent action. The opposition of the 'Liberals' has never 
been against the Republican party of which they formed a 
part, but rather against those who, unfortunately for it 
and the nation, had control of its destiny." If anything 
was lacking to complete the utter ridiculousness of the 
Liberal organization as a project of reform after it had been 
captured by the politicians, it was furnished by the closing 
statement of Allen's valedictory: "The Liberal movement 
will be remembered as an evidence that when the hour de- 
mands it the people are capable of making party managers 
subservient to their will." 214 

In state conventions of both parties efforts were made to 
influence the Liberal vote. Kansas Democrats cordially 
welcomed the large number of Liberals in their state con- 
vention and gave them a good representation on their state 
and local tickets. 215 The Democrats also entered into a 
coalition with the Independent party on their state ticket. 216 
The Republican platform in the same state invited "the 
cooperation of all men, whether called 'Liberal' or 'Inde- 
pendent,' to whom 'reform' is something more than an 
empty name." 217 In Iowa the opposition convention 
termed itself the "Liberal Democratic party." 218 In Il- 
linois the Democrats coalesced with the Greenbackers and 

214 Allen's letter addressed to the "Liberal Republicans of the United 
States" appeared in the N. Y. Tribune, July 21, 1876. The letter was 
also addressed to the N. Y. Times, same date. 

215 Kan. Commonwealth, May 19, Aug. 24, Oct. 27, 1876. 

216 Ibid., Aug. 24. 

217 Annual Cyclopedia, 1876, p. 437. For prominent Kansas Liberals 
acting with the Republicans in the campaign, see Kan. Commonwealth, 
Aug. 17, Oct. 27, Nov. 3, 1876. 

218 Annual Cyclopedia, 1876, p. 414. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 233 

their state ticket contained at least two former Liberals. 219 
Other prominent Liberals appeared at a meeting of the 
Republican state committee and represented that their 
faction in Illinois was for the most part coming back to the 
old party. 220 Indiana Democrats had two former Liberals 
on their ticket. 221 In the Connecticut spring election the 
" Democratic-Liberal party" renominated the old ticket, 
including the Liberals, 222 and a nomination to fill a vacancy 
in one of the congressional districts was given to David A. 
Wells. 223 But the Massachusetts Democrats made the 
strongest bid for the independent, Liberal vote by the nom- 
ination of C. F. Adams for governor. 224 

In New York the relations of the allies in the Democratic 
convention was far from harmonious. Dorsheimer, the 
Liberal lieutenant governor, now aspired to the governor- 

219 Chicago Tribune, July 28, 1876. With the issue of Nov. 9, 1874, 
Joseph Medill resumed the editorship of the Chicago Tribune and it be- 
came Republican again. 

220 Ibid., July 20, 21. 

221 Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Apr. 21, 1876. A dispatch to the 
same paper from Madison, Indiana, earlier in the year (Feb. 9) said of a 
convention to choose delegates to the state convention: "Grangers, 
Liberals, and the disaffected generally, came into the meeting, and old 
feuds have been buried, and perfect harmony and enthusiasm pervade 
the mind of all." In Wisconsin, this year the opposition was called 
simply "Democratic." Milwaukee Sentinel, Aug. 22, 1876 (editorial 
calling attention to the dropping of the designation, "Reform Party"); 
see also the use of the old party name in Madison Democrat, June 6-8, 
Aug. 12, 29, and passim, 1876. The Michigan Liberal State Committee 
met in July and unanimously endorsed the Democratic national candi- 
dates. N. Y. World, July 20, 1876. 

222 Annual Cyclopedia, 1876, pp. 205 f. 

223 Ibid., p. 206. 

224 Ibid., pp. 513 f.; Nation, Sept. 14, 1876, p. 160. The Springfield 
Republican supported Hayes for president and Adams for governor. 
Merriam, II, 277. Tilden used his influence to secure Adams' nomina- 
tion against the wishes of influential Massachusetts Democrats. See F. 
O. Prince to Tilden, Tilden } s Letters, II, 451; C. F. Adams, Jr. to Tilden, 
ibid., 452 f.; Curran, Collins, 39 f. 



234 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

ship and his candidacy was most bitterly opposed by the 
old-time party leaders. 225 So much feeling was aroused that 
it was thought that Dorsheimer could not even secure a 
renomination for the second place, 226 but this concession was 
finally made to appease the Liberal recruits. 227 Addi- 
tional trouble came to the party through their new adher- 
ents. Their candidate for governor, ex-Governor Sey- 
mour, refusing to run, Lucius Robinson, a man known for 
political independence, was substituted and it was now 
widely charged by the Republican press that the New York 
Democrat leaders were so fearful of the result that they had 
been forced to place a second Liberal Republican candidate 
on the ticket, 228 though it was shown conclusively that 
Robinson, after acting with the Union Republicans, had 
rejoined the Democratic party in 1865, seven years before 
the Liberal movement. 229 The New York Liberal organiza- 
tion, the sole remnant of the party as such, could not survive 
a presidential election. Cochrane now sought to use his 
organization to aid the machine element of the Republicans. 
At a meeting of the state committee in April he secured the 
adoption of resolutions favoring that party and urged that 
Liberals attend the Republican national convention and 
work for the desired " reforms.' ' An effort was also made 
at this time to secure the endorsement of Blaine as the 

225 World, Aug. 31, 1876; N. J. Waterbury to Tilden, Sept. 1, 1876, 
Tilden, Letters, II, 462. There were other causes of opposition to Dor- 
sheimer than his Liberal antecedents. See Hudson, Randon Recol- 
lections, 62-64. 

226 So stated in dispatch in World, Aug. 31, 1876. 

227 Ibid., Sept. 1. 

228 N. Y. Tribune, Sept. 15, 1876; N. Y. Herald, same date; Cin- 
cinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, Sept. 15, 1876. 

229 See interview with Hiram Gray in World, Sept. II, 1876, and also 
on Robinson's political record, Alexander, III. The World said 
(Sept. 2, 1876) that as Robinson had once been a Liberal he "could not 
be placed on the ticket with Lieutenant Governor Dorsheimer." 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 235 

Liberal choice for president. 230 It only remained for Coch- 
rane to unite in the best manner possible with the Repub- 
lican state organization and this he hastened to do. The 
Liberal convention assembled at Saratoga at the same time 
as the Republican, and promptly endorsed the Republican 
national ticket and platform. Their decision was reported 
to the regular convention which resolved, amid applause, 
to admit the Liberal delegates to seats in their body. But 
there were several contesting delegations to the Liberal con- 
vention who, being refused admittance, held a convention 
by themselves and passed resolutions praising Governor 
Tilden's work, and advising "all true Liberals of the coun- 
try to cordially support the St. Louis nominees as the best 
means of lifting the country out of the ruin which threatens 
it." 231 

In the campaign direct appeals were made to the Liberals 
by both parties. Both represented that the bulk of this 
element was with them, 232 and lists of former Liberal 
leaders were presented to substantiate these rival claims. 233 
Probably the greater number of Liberal voters went back 

230 jy y. Tribune, Apr. 7, 1876. Cochrane and Fenton attended the 
national convention in Blaine's interest. Convention correspondence 
in Kan. Commonwealth, June 14, 1876. 

231 N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 24, 1876; World, same date. 

232 For the Republican side, see Boston Advertiser, July 20, 1876; Chi- 
cago Tribune, Sept. 26, 1876; Wis. State Journal, Aug. 15, Sept. 5, Oct. 
17, 1876; Kan. Commonwealth, June 15, 17, Aug. 12, 1876; N. Y. Trib- 
une, July 15, 1876; and for the Democrats, N. Y. World, Sept. 15, 1876; 
Julian, Later Speeches, 108 ff.; Koerner's address to Liberal Republi- 
cans, quoted in N. Y. Tribune, July 10, 1876; Parke Godwin's letter to 
N. Y. Tribune, July 22, 1876; speeches of prominent Liberals at Demo- 
cratic ratification meeting in Cincinnati. Cincinnati Commercial, 
July 9, 1876; address of Chicago German Liberals for Tilden published in 
leading German Democratic papers. See Chicago Tribune, Aug. 15, 1876. 

233 For most extended lists of Liberals supporting Tilden, see N. Y. 
World, Sept. 15, 1876; Clinton (Iowa) Age, Sept. 29, 1876, cited in 
Haynes, note 76. Individual Liberal recruits were reported by both 
sides throughout the campaign. 



236 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

to the old party, 234 but the leaders were pretty evenly di- 
vided. Schurz's work and influence in the campaign were so 
highly regarded by Hayes that he was given a seat in the cab- 
inet, 235 much to the gratification of the independents. 236 
Tilden, on his side, was seriously considering for his official 
advisers Liberal leaders like Adams, Trumbull and Wells. 237 
So in various ways this campaign tended to vindicate the 
policy of the independents. 

In later years most of the prominent Liberals secured high 
recognition from one or the other of the old parties, 238 and 

234 Cf. Haworth, Hayes-Tilden Election, 10; Williams, I, 472; Curtis, 
Hist. Rep. Party, II, 59; Smalley, Hist. Rep. Party, 55. 

235 See Schurz's correspondence with Hayes following the election. 
Schurz's Writings, III, 339, 376-383, 389~397» 4°3-4°5- 

236 See correspondence on his appointment with members of this group. 
Ibid., 397-399, 402, 408, 409. Halstead used all of his influence with 
Hayes for Schurz's appointment. Ibid., 402. Haynes {Third Party 
Movements, 41) says, on the authority of Iowa papers, that four members 
of Hayes' cabinet, Evarts, Devins and Key, in addition to Schurz, 
"had supported Mr. Greeley in 1872." Evarts was in Europe during 
the campaign as one of the American counsel before the Geneva Tribunal 
(See Hackett, Reminiscences of Geneva Tribunal, 277 f. and the Earl of 
Selborne's Memorials, Part II, vol. II, pp. 285 f.) and I have found no 
reference to his support of the Liberal candidate. Haynes says that 
Devins had once run for Congress on a Democratic ticket but there is 
no mention of this in J. C. Ropes' Memoir in Devins' Orations and Ad- 
dresses. In 1872 he was serving as Judge of the Superior Court of Massa- 
chusetts by the appointment of a Republican governor and the follow- 
ing year he was promoted to the Supreme Court by another Republican 
executive. I have failed to find any evidence of a support of the Lib- 
eral movement on his part. Key, as a southern Democrat, undoubtedly 
supported the coalition ticket, as he did the Democratic in 1876. 

237 Bigelow's diary, entry for Feb. 9, 1877. Retrospection, V, 299. 
Bigelow thought Tilden was "quite settled" in regard to Trumbull. 
Of Adams for secretary of state, Bigelow remarked that Tilden did not 
seem "to incline that way much." O'Connor, according to Bigelow, 
was the choice for attorney-general, and the Liberal members might 
thus have been associated with a "Straight-Out." 

238 See Pierce, IV, 547; Du Bois and Mathews, Grow, 274, 275, 279, 
283; Church, Rep. Party in III., 118; and the indices to such political 
histories as Powell, Bern. Party of Ohio and Alexander, Pol. Hist, of N. Y. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 237 

there seems seldom to have been a question of their good 
standing in the organization. 239 The Republicans, with a 
strong opposition to combat from this time on, were glad to 
welcome back all party workers of any influence and abil- 
ity, while the Democrats profited by new leaders whose ad- 
herence was a standing testimonial to the party's loyalty 
and good character. 

CONCLUSION 

The period of the seventies was one of transition from the 
problems and interests of the Civil War to those of a new 
economic and social era. These new interests are reflected 
in the political movements of the decade. The election of 
1872 saw a national labor and a national prohibition party 
in the field, and an attempt to launch a woman's rights 
party. During the next four years a series of "independ- 
ent" political organizations sprang up in the West, demand- 
ing various economic and social " reforms," the more radical 
merging in the National Independent or "Greenback" 
party of 1876. But the Liberal Republican movement was 
of much greater importance in the political disintegration 
and transition of the period, owing to its direct influence 
on the two leading parties. The Liberal movement marks 
the definite break-up of the Union Republican party through 
the withdrawal of the conservative leaders. A disintegrat- 
ing tendency had manifested itself soon after the war; 
it was shown in the National Union movement of 1866, in 
the conflict over Johnson's impeachment, and in the op- 
position by conservative Republicans in Congress to radi- 
cal reconstruction legislation. But the final break came 
only with the organized opposition in '72. The Liberal 
movement also marks the withdrawal from party allegiance 
of the independent group who, during the next quarter of 
a century, were to be both hated and feared by the regular 

239 p or cases where objections of this sort were raised, see Lyford, 
320, 326; Connelley, Plumb, 227. 



238 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

party managers. The Liberals, by demanding, on the one 
hand, a final settlement of the issues growing out of the war 
and, on the other, a recognition of the new economic prob- 
lems confronting the country, peculiarly typified the new 
post-bellum age. Constituted as it was of the most di- 
vergent elements of opposition, it was inevitable that the 
Liberal movement should meet defeat in the national 
election and that it should fail to develop a permanent 
political party. The movement being something more 
than a mere third-party agitation for a single reform, and 
offering at first good prospects of success, soon attracted 
disappointed and rapacious politicians, whose aims could 
in no way be reconciled with those of the reformers. But 
even among those engaging in the movement from sincere 
motives of public good there was a lack of common purpose 
and understanding. The eastern reformers, as usual, were 
far in advance of the general public sentiment. In the South 
the great issue was home rule and in the struggle for that 
all of the opposition was concentrated. Western Liberals 
were in the front ranks of the anti-monopoly movements, 
seeking what they regarded as very real reforms, but to the 
eastern reformers their leaders seemed little better than 
outlaws. 240 The radical Liberals who joined the green- 
backers were directly opposed to the fundamental prin- 
ciples of the organizers of the national Liberal movement. 
A group of reformers with such diverse aims could hold 
together only so long as their activities were purely nega- 

240 The Nation said of the argument of the Wisconsin Attorney* 
General (who was the Liberal state chairman) in favor of the Potter law 
that " Nothing more monstrous in the way of a definition of a right was 
probably ever heard outside of a buccaneer's cave." In the same edi- 
torial the Nation thus commented on the Liberal policy in Wisconsin: 
" In the matter of railroads, leading Liberal Republican papers and ora- 
tors fanned the flame of hostility to the roads, in the belief that it would 
result in the promotion of a powerful opposition to the Republican party. 
We always denounced this as a wretched delusion." Nation, July 9, 
1874, p. 17. 



LATER ACTIVITIES OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 239 

tive; they were bound to disintegrate so soon as they at- 
tempted anything positive or constructive. But the Lib- 
eral movement in all of its diverse manifestations worked 
decidedly for the interest of the Democrats. That party's 
alliance with the Liberals was in no sense an amalgamation 
but merely a temporary coalition. There was never any 
other intent on the part of the ablest and most trusted 
Democratic leaders. The formation of a new opposition 
party was out of the question, and, as usual in such combina- 
tions, the well established organization was the chief gainer. 
Of the offices secured by coalition the Democrats obtained 
the lion's share. Some of the most able leaders of the Re- 
publican party during the war passed permanently into the 
Democratic ranks. Most important of all, the acceptance of 
the Liberal platform and candidates, attesting as noth- 
ing else could the complete reconstruction of the old 
Democracy, assisted it ere long in regaining control of 
the national government. 241 The Liberal movement thus 
stands as an important influence in the political transition 
of the seventies, contributing so largely as it did to the crea- 
tion of the reformer, "mugwump" group, to the consolida- 
tion of the southern opposition, to the development of the 
western "independent" movements, and to the reconstruc- 
tion and rejuvenation of the national Democratic party. 

241 Cf. Julian, Pol. Recollections, 349; Hill, Hill, 65. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

I. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES 

The following manuscript collections of correspondence have been 
examined in the preparation of this study: 
In Harvard University Library: 
The Charles Sumner Papers. 

In the Library of Congress: 

The Salmon P. Chase Papers. 
The Andrew Johnson Papers. 
The Lyman Trumbull Papers. 
The Elihu B. Washburne Papers. 

The papers of William Allen, Hugh McCulloch and Edward McPher- 
son in the same library were examined, but contain nothing of value for 
this study. 

In the Minnesota State Historical Society Library: 
The Ignatius Donnelly Papers. 

II. LETTERS AND COLLECTED WORKS 

Blaine, James G. Political Discussions, Legislative, Diplomatic, and 

Popular. 1855-1886. Norwich, Conn., 1887. 
Blaine, Mrs. James G. Letters. Edited by Harriet S. Blaine Beale 

2 vols., New York, 1908. 
Booth, Newton. Speeches and Addresses. Edited by Lauren E. 

Crane. New York, 1894. 
Chase, Salmon P. Diary and Correspondence. Annual Report 

American Historical Association , 1902, vol. II, Washington, 1903. 
Garfield, James A. Works. Edited by Burke A. Hinsdale. 2 vols., 

Boston, 1882. 
General Grant's Letters to a Friend [E. B. Washburne] 1861-1880. 

Edited by James Grant Wilson. New York, 1897. Also in 

North American Review, CLXV. 
Greeley on Lincoln, with Mr. Greeley's Letters to Charles A. Dana 

and a Lady Friend to which are added Reminiscences of Horace 

Greeley. Edited by Joel Benton. New York, 1893. 
Julian, George W. Later Speeches on Political Questions. Edited 

by Grace Julian Clarke. Indianapolis, 1889. 
240 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 24I 

Lowell, James Russell. Letters. Edited by Charles Eliot Norton. 

2 vols., New York, 1894. 
Morrill, Justin S. "Notable Letters from My Political Friends," 

Forum, XXIV, 405-412, Dec., 1897. 
Motley, John Lothrop. Correspondence. Edited by G. W. Curtis. 

2 vols., New York, 1889. 
Norton, Charles Eliot. Letters. Edited with biographical comment 

by Sara Norton and M. A. de Wolfe Howe. 2 vols., Boston, 1913. 
Phillips, Wendell. Speeches, Lectures, and Letters. Second series, 

Boston, 1891. 
Robinson, William S. "Warrington" Pen Sketches. Boston, 1877. 
Schurz, Carl. Speeches, Correspondence and Political Papers. 

Selected and edited by Frederic Bancroft. 6 vols., New York, 

19 13. [Cited as "Schurz's Writings."] 
Sherman, General W. T. Home Letters. Edited by M. A. de Wolfe 

Howe. New York, 1909. 
Sherman Letters. The Correspondence between General and Sen- 
ator Sherman from 1837 to 1891. Edited by Rachel Sherman 

Thorndike. New York, 1894. 
Sumner, Charles. Works. 15 vols., Boston, 1 875-1 883. 
Tilden, Samuel J. Letters and Literary Memorials. Edited by 

John Bigelow. 2 vols., New York, 1908. 
Trumbull, Lyman. Correspondence, Mississippi Valley Historical 

Review, I, 106-108. 
Tyler, Moses Coit. Selections from his Letters and Diaries. Edited 

by Jessie T. Austen. New York, 191 1. 
Worth, Jonathan. Correspondence. Collected and edited by J. G. 

de R. Hamilton. 2 vols., Raleigh, 1909. 

III. NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS 

Advance. Chicago, 1872. 
A Ibany Evening Journal. 1 872 . 
Argus. Albany, 1 872-1 873. 
Atlantic Monthly. Boston, 1872. 
Boston Daily Advertiser. 1872. 
Boston Weekly Advertiser. 1 873-1 876. 
Central Presbyterian. Richmond, Va., Sept.-Oct., 1872. 
Chicago Daily News. July-Oct., 1872. 
Chicago Times. 1872. 
Chicago Daily Tribune. 1 872-1 876. 
Christian Advocate. New York, 1872. 
Cincinnati Commercial. Jan-June, 1871; 1873-1876. 
17 



242 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Cincinnati Semi- Weekly Gazette, 1 87 1-1 876. 

Commonwealth. Boston, 1871; Jan.-Aug., 1872. 

Evening Bulletin. San Francisco, 1 872-1 876. 

Evening News. Minneapolis, June-Nov., 1872. 

Evening Post (Semi- Weekly edition). New York, 1 872-1 876. 

Farmer's Union. Minneapolis, 1873. 

Galaxy. New York, 1 871-1872. 

Golden Age. New York, 1 871-1872. 

Greenville (S. C. ) Enterprise. Jan.-Oct., 1872. 

Harper's Weekly. New York, 1 870-1 874. 

Independent. New York, 1 871-1872. 

Industrial Age. Chicago, 1 873-1 876. 

Kansas Daily Commonwealth. Topeka, 1 872-1 876. 

Lakeside Monthly. Chicago, 1872. 

Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper. New York, 1 871-1872. 

Lippincott's Magazine. Philadelphia, 1872. 

Madison (Wis.) Daily Democrat. 1 872-1 876. 

Maryland Union. Frederick, 1872. 

Massachusetts Weekly Spy. Worcester, 1 871-1876. 

Memphis (Tenn.) Daily Appeal. Jan.-Mar., 1872. 

Milwaukee News. 1 872-1 876. 

Milwaukee Daily Sentinel. 1 873-1876. 

Milwaukee Weekly Sentinel. 1872. 

Missouri Democrat. St. Louis, 1869; Jan.-June, 1870; 1871-1872. 

Missouri Republican. St. Louis, 1 870-1 874. 

Nation. New York, 1 870-1 876. 

National Quarterly Review. New York, 1872. 

National Republican. Washington, odd numbers, Jan., Sept., Oct., 
Nov., 1872. 

New Orleans Republican. Jan.-May, Oct. -Nov., 1872. 

New York Observer. 1872. 

New York Herald. 1 871-1876. 

New York Times. 1 871-1876. 

New York Tribune. 1 870-1 876. 

North American Review. New York, 1 870-1 876. 

Old and New. Boston, 1872. 

Patriot. Washington, May-Nov., 1872. 

People's Tribune. Jefferson City, Mo., 1 869-1 874. 

Philadelphia Inquirer. 1 873-1 874. 

Pomeroy's Democrat. New York, 1872. 

Press. Philadelphia, July-Dec, 1871. 

Richmond Whig and Advertiser (semi- weekly edition). 1872 (incom- 
plete file). 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 243 

St. Paul Weekly Pioneer. 1 873-1 874. 

St. Paul Weekly Pioneer- Press. Apr -Dec, 1875, 1876. 

St. Paul Weekly Press. 1 871-1874. 

Southern Recorder. Milledgeville, Ga., Jan-July, 1872. 

Spirit of the Times. New York, 1872. 

Springfield Weekly Republican. 1871-1872. 

Standard. Chicago, 1872. 

Wisconsin Weekly State Journal. Madison, 1 872-1 876. 

World. New York, 1 871-1876. 

IV. POLITICAL DOCUMENTS 

American Annual Cyclopedia. New York, 1 869-1 876. 

Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia. New York, 1877. 

Buckrnan, B. E. Samuel J. Tilden Unmasked. New York, 1876. 

Budlong, Pharaoh (Perkins, Frederick B.). President Greeley, 
President Hoffman, and the Resurrection of the Ring. A History 
of the Next Four Years. Boston, 1872. 

Chamberlin, Everett. The Struggle of '72 and Issues and Candi" 
dates of the Present Political Campaign, etc., Chicago, 1872. 

Congressional Globe, 41-42 Congresses. Washington, 1 869-1 873. 

Congressional Record. 43-44 Congresses. Washington, 1 873-1 876. 

Conkling, Roscoe. The Presidential Battle of 1872. Grant and his 
Defamers; Deeds against Words. Speech at Cooper Institute, 
New York, July 23, 1872. 

Cross, N. The Modern Ulysses LL.D. His Political Record. New 
York, 1872. 

Evening Journal Almanac, 1 873-1876. Albany, 1 873-1 876. 

Fleming, W. L. Documentary History of Reconstruction. 2 vols., 
Cleveland, 1 906-1 907. 

Greeley's (Mr.) Letters from Texas and the Lower Mississippi to 
which are added His Address to the Farmers of Texas and His 
Speech on His Return to New York, June 12, 1871. New York, 
Tribune Office, 1871. 

Greeley's (Mr.) Record on the Questions of Amnesty and Recon- 
struction from the Hour of Gen. Lee's Surrender. New 
York, June, 1872. 

Life and Public Services of Horace Greeley and of B. Gratz Brown. 
Proceedings of the Cincinnati Convention, etc., Chicago, 1872. 

McKee, T. H. The National Conventions and Platforms of all 
parties. 6th edition, Baltimore, 1906. 

McPherson, Edward. A Hand Book of Politics for 1872. Wash- 
ington, 1872. Same for 1874. Washington, 1874. 



244 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention held 
at Baltimore, July 9, 1872. Boston, 1872. 

Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention at 
St. Louis, June 27-29, 1876. St. Louis, 1876. 

Proceedings of the Liberal Republican Convention in Cincinnati, 
May 1, 2, 3, 1872. Horace Greeley's Letter of Acceptance. Ad- 
dress of the New York State Committee to their Fellow Citizens. 
New York (1872). 

Proceedings of the National Union Republican Convention held 
at Philadelphia, June 5 and 6, 1872. Francis H. Smith, official 
reporter. Washington, 1872. 

Proceedings of the Republican National Convention at Cincin- 
nati, Ohio, June 14-16, 1876. Reported by M. A. Clancy and 
Wm. Nelson. Concord, N. H., 1876. 

Reform Movement, The. A National Convention called to meet at 
Cincinnati, May 1, 1872 — Resolutions of the Liberal Republican 
State Convention of Missouri — Speech by Governor B. Gratz 
Brown — Letter from Senator Carl Schurz — Indorsement by Ex- 
Secretary J. D. Cox, Hon. Stanley Matthews, Judge George Hoadly 
and Judge J. B. Stallo of Ohio. Washington, 1872. [Proceedings 
of the Missouri Liberal State Convention at Jefferson City, Jan. 24, 
1872.] 

Tribune Almanac, 1 873-1 874. New York, 1873-74. 

World Almanac, 1873-75. New York, 1873-75. 

Welch, F. G. That Convention or Five Days a Politician. New York 
and Chicago, 1872. 

V. RECOLLECTIONS 

Barnum, P. T. Struggles and Triumphs or Forty Years' Recollec- 
tions. Rev. ed. Buffalo, 1874. 

Bigelow, John. Retrospections of an Active Life. 5 vols., New 
York, 1909-19 13. 

Blaine, James G. Twenty Years of Congress. 2 vols., Norwich, 
Conn., 1886. 

Boutwell, George S. Reminiscences of Sixty Years in Public Affairs. 
2 vols., New York, 1902. 

Brinkerhoff, General Roeliff. Recollections of a Lifetime. Cincin- 
nati, 1900. 

Butler, Benjamin F. Butler's Book. Boston, 1892. 

Carr, Clark E. My Day and Generation. Chicago, 1908. 

Ghilds, George W. Recollections of General Grant. Philadelphia, 
1890. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 245 

Clay, Cassius Marcellus. Life, Memoirs, Writings, and Speeches. 

Vol. I, Cincinnati, 1886. 
Clay, Virginia Clapton. A Belle of the Fifties. Edited by Ada 

Sterling. New York, 1904. 
Clayton, Powell. The Aftermath of the Civil War in Arkansas. New 

York, 1915. 
Clews, Henry. Twenty-Eight Years in Wall Street. New York, 

1888. 
Cole, Cornelius. Memoirs. New York, 1908. 
Congdon, C. T. Reminiscences of a Journalist. Boston, 1880. 
Cox, J. D. "How Judge Hoar Ceased to be Attorney-General," 

Atlantic Monthty, LXXVI, 162-173. 
Cox, S. S. Three Decades of Federal Legislation. Providence, 

1885. 
Crawford, I. C. "What the Vice President of the Confederacy thought 

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Crawford, Samuel J. Kansas in the Sixties. Chicago, 191 1. 
Cullom, Shelby M. Fifty Years of Public Service. Chicago, 191 1. 
Douglass, Frederick. Life and Times. Hartford, 1882. 
Forbes, John Murray. Letters and Recollections. Edited by 

Sarah Forbes Hughes. 2 vols., Boston, 1900. 
Forney, John W. Anecdotes of Public Men. 2 vols., New York, 

1873. 
Gladden, Washington. Recollections. Boston, 1909. 
Goode, John. Recollections of a Lifetime. New York, 1906. 
Gouveneur, Marian. As I Remember. Recollections of American 

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Greeley, Horace. Recollections of a Busy Life. New York, 1868. 
Grinnell, Josiah B. Men and Events of Forty Years. Boston, 1891. 
Halstead, Murat. "Horace Greeley, a friendly estimate of a great 

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Hoar, George Frisbie. Autobiography of Seventy Years. 2 vols., 

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Julian, George W. Political Recollections. Chicago, 1884. 
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Lathers, Richard. Reminiscences, Sixty Years of a Busy Life in 

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F. Sanborn. New York, 1907. 



246 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Logan, Mrs. John A. Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife. New York, 

I9I3- 
McClure, Alexander K. Recollections of Half a Century. Salem, 

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McClure, A. K. Old Time Notes of Pennsylvania. 2 vols., Philadel- 
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McClure, A. K. Our Presidents and how we make them. New York, 

1900. 
McCulloch, Hugh. Men and Measures of Half a Century. New 

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Massey, John E. Autobiography. Edited by Elizabeth H. Hancock. 

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Palmer, John M. Personal Recollections. The Story of an Earnest 

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Piatt, Thomas C. Autobiography. Edited by Louis J. Lang. New 

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Poore, Ben. Perley. Perley's Reminiscences. 2 vols., Philadelphia, 

1886. 
Pryor, Mrs. Roger A. My Day. Reminiscences of a Long Life. 

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Sherman, John. Recollections of Forty Years. 2 vols., Chicago, 

1895. 

Stevenson, Adlai E. Something of Men I have Known. Chicago, 
1909. 

Stewart, Senator William M. Reminiscences. Edited by George 
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Veteran Journalist, ''Personal Reminiscences of Horace Greeley," 
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Watterson, Henry. "The Humor and Tragedy of the Greeley Cam- 
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Wheeler, Everett P. Sixty Years of American Life — Taylor to Roose- 
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White, Andrew D. Autobiography. 2 vols., London, 1905. 

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Adams, C. F. Charles Francis Adams. Boston, 1900. 

Adams, I. E. Life of Emery A. Storrs. Philadelphia, 1886. 

Badeau, Adam. Grant in Peace. Hartford, Conn., 1887. 

Bancroft, F. and Dunning, W. A. A Sketch of Carl Schurz's Politi- 
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Barnes, T. W. Memoir of Thurlow Weed. Boston, 1884. 

Bassett, J. S. Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. Johns 

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Biographical Cyclopedia of Representative Men of Maryland and 

District of Columbia. Baltimore, 1879. 
Biographical Encyclopedia of Pennsylvania of the Nineteenth 

Century. Philadelphia, 1874. 
Blackmar, F. W. Charles Robinson, the first state governor of Kan- 
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Brigham, Johnson. James Harlan. Iowa City, Iowa, 19 13. 
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Connelley, W. E. The Life of Preston B. Plumb. Chicago, 1913. 
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Cox, W. Z. and Northrup, M. H. Life of Samuel Sullivan Cox. 

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Curran, M. P. Life of Patrick A. Collins. Norwood, Mass., 1906. 
Dawson, G. F. Life and Services of John A. Logan. Chicago, 1887. 
Detroit Post and Tribune. Zachariah Chandler; An Outline Sketch 

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Dingley, E. N. Life and Times of Nelson Dingley, Jr. Kalamazoo, 

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Dix, Morgan. Memoirs of John A. Dix. 2 vols., New York, 1883. 
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Fielder, Herbert. A Sketch of the Life and Times and Speeches of 

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Foord, John. Life and Public Services of Simon Sterne. London, 

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Garland, Hamlin. Ulysses S. Grant, His Life and Character. New 

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Garrison, Wendell P. and Francis J. William Lloyd Garrison. 

4 vols., New York, 1885-1889. 



248 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

George, Henry, Jr. Life of Henry George. New York, 1900. 
Godwin, Parke. A Biography of William Cullen Bryant. 2 vols., 

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Hamlin, C. E. Life and Times of Hannibal Hamlin. Cambridge, 

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Harper, Ida Husted. The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony. 

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Hollister, O. J. Life of Schuyler Colfax. New York, 1886. 
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Palfrey, F. W. Memoir of William Francis Bartlett. Boston, 1881. 

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Smith, Margaret V. Virginia 1492- 1892, a brief review of the dis- 
covery of the continent of North America with a History of the 
Executives of the Colony and Commonwealth of Virginia. Wash- 
ington, 1893. 

Smith, W. B. James Sidney Rollins. New York, 1891. 

Spencer, Edward. An Outline of the Public Life and Services of 
Thomas F. Bayard, Senator of the United States from the State of 
Delaware 1 869-1 880 with Extracts from his Speeches and the 
Debates in Congress. New York, 1880. 

Steiner, B. G. Life of Reverdy Johnson. Baltimore, 19 14. 

Storey, M. Charles Sumner. Boston, 1900. 



25O THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Storey, Moorfield and Emerson, Edward W. Ebenezer Rockwood 

Hoar, A Memoir. Boston, 191 1. 
Taylor, Marie Hausen and Scudder, Horace. Life and Letters of 

Bayard Taylor. 2 vols., Boston, 1885. 
Thayer, W. R. Life and Letters of John Hay. 2 vols., Boston, 191 5. 
Vallandigham, J. L. A Life of Clement L. Vallandigham. Balti- 
more, 1872. 
Ward, Elizabeth P. Durbin Ward, Life, Speeches and Orations. 

Columbus, Ohio, 1888. 
Warden, R. B. An Account of the Private Life and Public Services 

of Salmon Portland Chase. Cincinnati, 1874. 
Washington, Booker T. Frederick Douglass. Philadelphia, 1906. 
White, Horace. Life of Lyman Trumbull. Boston, 191 3. 
Wight, W r . W. Henry Clay Payne. Milwaukee, 1907. 
Williams, G. R. Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes. 2 vols., Boston, 

1914. 
Wilson, J. H. The Life of Charles A. Dana. New York, 1907. 
Winthrop, R. C, Jr. A memoir of Robert C. Winthrop. Boston, 

1897. 
Wise, Barton H. Life of Henry A. Wise of Virginia. New York, 

1899. 
Wister, Owen. Ulysses S. Grant. (Beacon Biographies) 2nd edition, 

Boston, 1901. 
Zabriski, F. N. Horace Greeley, the Editor. New York, 1890. 

VII. GENERAL WORKS, MONOGRAPHS AND SPECIAL 
STUDIES 

Adams, C. F., Jr. and Henry. Chapters of Erie. New York, 1886. 

Adams, Henry. Historical Essays. New York, 1901. 

Alexander, D. S. Political History of the State of New York. 3 vols., 

New York, 1906-1909. 
Andrews, E. B. The United States in Our Own Times. New York, 

1903. 
Anthony, Susan B. and others (eds.). History of Woman Suffrage. 

4 vols., New York and Rochester, 1881-1902. 
Avery, I. W. History of the State of Georgia. New York, 1881. 
Bennett, F. O. Politics and politicians of Chicago, Cook County and 

Illinois. Chicago, 1886. 
Blackmar, F. W. (ed.). Kansas, A Cyclopedia of State History. 2 

vols., Chicago, 19 12. 
Buck, S. J. "Independent Parties in the Western States, 1 873-1 876," 

in Essays in American History dedicated to Frederick Jackson 

Turner. New York, 1910. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 25 1 

Buck, S. J. The Granger Movement. Cambridge, 1913. 

Callahan, J. M. Semi-Centennial History of West Virginia. 19 13. 

Chandler, J. A. C. and Riley, F. L. (eds.). The South in the Build- 
ing of the Nation. Parts I and II. vols., I-IV, Richmond, 1909. 

Church, C. A. History of the Republican Party in Illinois, 1854- 
1912. Rockford, 111., 1912. 

Cooper, T. V. and Fen ton, H. F. American Politics. Chicago, 
1884. 

Commons, J. R. "Horace Greeley and the Working-Class Origin of 
the Republican Party." Political Science Quarterly, XXIV, 468 ff. 

Conrad, H. C. History of the State of Delaware. 3 vols., Wilming- 
ton, Delaware, 1908. 

Crawford, J. B. The Credit Mobilier of America. Boston, 1880. 

Curtis, Francis. The Republican party, a history of its fifty years' 
existence and a record of its measures and leaders. 2 vols., New 
York, 1904. 

Davis, W. J. History of Political Conventions in California, 1849- 
1892. Sacramento, 1892. 

Davis, W. W. The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida. Col. 
Univ. Studies, vol. 53, New York, 19 13. 

Dewitt, D. M. The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson. 
New York, 1903. 

Dilla, Hariette M. The Politics of Michigan, 1865-1878. Col. Univ. 
Studies, vol. 47, No. 1. New York, 19 12. 

Dunning, W. A. Reconstruction, Political and Economic. New 
York, 1907. 

Dunning, W. A. "The Second Birth of the Republican Party," 
American Historical Review, XVI, 56 ff. (Oct., 19 10.) 

Eckenrode, H. J. The Political History of Virginia during the Recon- 
struction. Johns Hopkins Studies, Series XXII, Nos. 6-8. Balti- 
more, 1904. 

Fish, C. R. The Civil Service and the Patronage. New York, 1905. 

Fleming, W. L. Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama. New 
York, 1905. 

Flower, F. A. A History of the Republican Party. Springfield, 
Illinois, 1884. 

Fortier, A. History of Louisiana. 4 vols., New York, 1904. 

Frank, J. A. The Liberal Republican Movement as Exemplified by 
its Progress in New York State. Master's Thesis, Cornell Univer- 
sity. Privately printed, 1909. 

Garner, J. W. Reconstruction in Mississippi. New York, 1901. 

Garner, J. W. (ed.). Studies in Southern History and Politics. New 
York, 1914. 



252 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Greene, E. B. "Some Aspects of Politics in the Middle West, 1860- 
1872." Proceedings of the Wisconsin Historical Society, 191 1. 
Madison, 1912. 

Gue, B. F. History of Iowa from the earliest times to the beginning 
of the twentieth century. 4 vols., New York, 1903. 

Hamilton, J. G. deR. "The Election of 1872 in North Carolina," 
South Atlantic Quarterly XI, April, 1912. 

Hamilton, J. G. deR. Reconstruction in North Carolina. Col. 
Univ. Studies, Vol. LVIII. New York, 1914. 

Hamilton, P. J. The Reconstruction Period. Philadelphia, 1905. 

Harding, S. B. "Party struggle in Missouri during the Civil War." 
American Historical Association Report, 1900. Washington. 

Harper, J. H. The House of Harper. New York, 19 12. 

Harrell, J. M. The Brooks and Baxter War. A History of the Re- 
construction Period in Arkansas. St. Louis, 1893. 

Haworth, P. L. The Hayes-Tilden Disputed Presidential Election of 
1876. Cleveland, 1906. 

Haynes, F. E. Third Party Movements Since the Civil War with 
special reference to Iowa. Iowa City, Iowa, 1916. 

Herbert, H. A. (ed.). Why the Solid South? Baltimore, 1890. 

Hinsdale, M. L. A History of the President's Cabinet. Ann Arbor, 
Mich., 1911. 

Holmes, F. R. Minnesota in Three Centuries. 4 vols., Publishing 
Society of Minnesota, 1908. 

Hopkins, J. H. A History of Political Parties in the United States. 
New York, 1900. 

Johnson, B. S. "The Brooks-Baxter War." Pubs, of Arkansas 
Historical Society. Vol. II, pp. 122-173. Fayetteville, Ark., 
1908. 

Johnston, Alexander. American Political History 1 763-1 876, 
edited and supplemented by J. A. Woodburn. 2 vols., New York, 
1905. 

Judson, F. M. "The Administration of Governor B. Gratz Brown, 
1871-1873." Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vol. II, No. 
2. April, 1913. 

Kleeberg, G. S. P. The Formation of the Republican Party as a 
national political organization. New York, 191 1. 

Lusk, D. W. Eighty years of Illinois politics and politicians. Spring- 
field, Illinois, 1889. 

McDonald, Gen. John. Secrets of the Great Whiskey Ring. Chi- 
cago, 1880. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 253 

McDougal, H. C. "A Decade of Missouri Politics, 1 860-1 870, From 
a Republican Viewpoint." Missouri Historical Review, III, Jan. 
1909. 

McNeill, G. E. The Labor Movement. Boston, 1887. 

Macy, Jesse. "The Scientific Spirit in Politics," American Political 
Science Review, XI, February, 191 7. 

Memorial Record of Alabama. 2 vols., Madison, Wis., 1893. 

Moses, John. Illinois Historical and Statistical. 2 vols., Chicago, 
1889. 

Myers, Gisstavus. Tammany Hall. New York, 1901. 

New York Typographical Union No. 6. One hundredth Anniver- 
sary of the birth of Horace Greeley, first President of Typographi- 
cal Union No. 6, New York Theatre, February 5, 191 1 . New York, 
1911. 

Ostrogorski, M. Democracy and the organization of Political Parties. 
2 vols., New York, 1902. 

Patton, J. H. The Democratic Party: Its Political History and In- 
fluence. New York, 1884. 

Pearson, C. C. The Readjuster Movement in Virginia. New Haven, 
1917. 

Phelps, Albert. Louisiana, a record of expansion. Boston, 1905. 

Piatt, G. W. A History of the Republican Party. Cincinnati, 1904. 

Powell, T. E. (ed.). The Democratic Party of the State of Ohio. 2 
vols., Columbus, Ohio, 1913. 

Ramsdell, C. W. Reconstruction in Texas. Col. Univ. Studies, Vol. 
36, No. 1. New York, 1910. 

Reynolds, J. S. Reconstruction in South Carolina. Columbia, S. C, 
1905. 

Rhodes, J. F. History of the United States from the Compromise of 
1850 to the restoration of home rule in the South in 1877. 7 vols., 
New York, 1 892-1905. 

Rogers, J. M. The Development of the North since the Civil War. 
Philadelphia, 1906. 

Ross, E. D. "Horace Greeley and the South, 1865-1872," South 
Atlantic Quarterly, XVI, 324 ff. Oct., 191 7. 

Rowland, D. (ed.). Encyclopedia of Mississippi History. 2 vols., 
Madison, Wis., 1907. 

Saby, R. S. Railroad Legislation in Minnesota, 1849 to 1875. Saint 
Paul, Minn., 191-2. 

Scharf, J. T. History of Maryland. 3 vols., Baltimore, 1879. 

Schouler, James. History of the Reconstruction Period, being Vol. 
VII of the History of the United States under the Constitution. 
New York, 19 13. 



254 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Smalley, E. V. A Brief History of the Republican Party from its 
organization to 1884. New York, 1884. 

Smith, J. P. History of the Republican Party in Ohio. 2 vols., 
Chicago, 1898. 

Stanwood, Edward. A History of the Presidency. Boston, 1901. 

Stanwood, Edward. American Tariff controversy in the Nineteenth 
Century. 2 vols., Boston, 1903. 

Stebbins, H. A. A Political History of the State of New York, 1865- 
1869. Col. Univ. Studies, Vol. LV, No. 1. New York, 1913. 

Stocking, William. History of the Republican Party in Michigan, 
in Proceedings at the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the 
birth of the Republican party at Jackson, Michigan, July 6, 1904. 
Detroit, 1904. 

Switzler, W. F. History of Missouri from 1541 to 1881. St. Louis, 
1881. 

Tarbell, Ida M. The Tariff in Our Own Times. New York, 191 1. 

Taussig, F. W. Tariff History of the United States. New York, 
1910. 

Townsend, G. A. ("Gath."). Washington Outside and Inside. Hart- 
ford, Conn., 1874. 

Utley, H. M. and Cutcheon, B. M. Michigan as a Province, Terri- 
tory and State. 4 vols., Publishing Society of Michigan, 1906. 

Wallace, John. Carpetbag Rule in Florida. Jacksonville, Fla., 
1888. 

Watkins, Albert. History of Nebraska. 3 vols., Lincoln, 1905-1913. 

Wilder, D. W. The Annals of Kansas. Topeka, Kan., 1875. 

Wilson, W. L. The National Democratic Party. Baltimore, 1888. 

Woodburn, J. A. Political Parties and Party Problems in the United 
States. 2nd edition. New York, 19 14. 



INDEX 



Adams, C. F., Jr., on the character 
of the independent reformers, 

Adams, C. F., Sr., and Republican 
nomination for president, 36; 
and the Liberal nomination, 
%2ff. ; favored by the reformers, 
85; strength in Cincinnati con- 
vention, 96$".; resolution for in 
Reunion and Reform conven- 
tion, 104; favored by Stein way 
Hall meeting, 113; offered Re- 
publican nomination for vice- 
president, 114; sentiment for in 
Fifth Avenue conference, 123; 
opposition candidate for sena- 
tor, 220; choice of independents 
for president in 1876, 228; 
nominated for governor, 233; 
considered for Tilden's cabinet, 
236. 

Adams, J. Q., nominated for vice- 
president by Straight-Outs, de- 
clines, 147. 

"Adams men," in campaign of 
1872, 128. 

Alabama claims, and Republican 
prospects, 42, 114/. 

Alcorn, J. L., 23, 65. 

Allen County Democracy, 200. 

Allen, Ethan, chairman Liberal 
national committee, 1047?.; calls 
Liberal conference in 1876, 230; 
announces reunion of Liberals 
with the Republicans, 231. 

Allen, William, favors Greeley's 
endorsement, 132; elected gov- 
ernor, 203; defeated on the 
greenback issue, 216. 

Alvord, T. G., 64. 

"American Democratic-Repub- 
lican party," 123. 

American Free Trade League, 
organization, 5; activities in 
1870, 14; in Cincinnati con- 
vention, 89; issues call for 
Steinway Hall meeting, 11 1; 



in Fifth Avenue conference, 
120; in campaign of 1872, 128. 

Ames, Adelbert, 23. 

Amnesty bill, 176. 

Anti-Catholic issue, in campaign 
of 1872, 167. 

Anti-Monopoly issue, in campaign 
of 1872, 168. 

Anti-Monopoly parties, 205. 

Apollo Hall, supports Straight- 
Outs, 148. 

Arkansas, coalition movement in, 
24/. ; Liberal leaders in, 67/. 

Ashley, J. M., 67. 

Atkinson. Edward, reform writer, 
3; member of Free Trade 
League, 5; a Liberal organizer, 
64; in Cincinnati convention, 
94./.; in Steinway Hall meeting, 

113. 

Atlantic Monthly, for political re- 
form, 3; favors independent 
reformers, 50; in campaign of 
1872, 127; on election prospects 
in 1872, 179. 

Baltimore, Democratic conven- 
tion of 1872 in, 140^". 

Banks, N. P., Liberal leader, 64; 
in the campaign of 1872, 155; 
retained on committee in 
House, 194; returns to Republi- 
cans, 196H. 

Barclay, David, 65. 

Barney, Hiram, 64. 

Bayard, T. F., opposes Greeley's 
endorsement by Democrats, 
139 ; opposes Liberal platform 
in Baltimore convention, 141; 
supports Greeley in campaign 
of 1872, 144. 

Beauregard, General, 51. 

Belmont, August, advises Liberals 
to nominate Adams, 84; favors 
Democratic endorsement of 
Greeley, 136; in Baltimore con- 
vention, 140. 



255 



256 



INDEX 



Bird, F. W., Liberal leader, 64; 
and Adams' defeat, 10m.) de- 
fends Greeley's nomination, 107 ; 
in campaign of 1872, 127; coali- 
tion candidate for governor, 142. 

Blaine, J. G., and the free-traders, 
15; in campaign of 1872, 153, 
186; and New York Liberals, 

234/. . , 

Blaine, Mrs. J. G., on political 

situation in May, 1872, 114/. 
Blair, Austin, dissatisfied with 
Republican leadership, 21; Lib- 
eral leader, 63; coalition candi- 
date for governor, 142. 
Blair, F. P., Jr., elected to the 
Senate, 32; and new party in 

187 1, 51; in Cincinnati con- 
vention, 97. 

"Bloody shirt" issue, in campaign 

of 1872, 173. 
"Bomb shells," in campaign of 

1872, 162/. 

Border states, political conditions 
in, 24. 

Bourbon Democrats, 68, I33#.; 
200, 227. 

Boutwell, G. S., 36. 

Bowles, Samuel, an independent 
journalist, 3; opposes Grant's 
renomination, 35, 42, 53; op- 
posed to new party in 1870, 45; 
favors Cincinnati convention, 
55; desires abandonment of 
Democratic party, 73; member 
of the editorial "Quadrilateral," 
87; supports Greeley, 106/.; on 
Philadelphia convention, 118; 
opposed to second Liberal nom- 
ination, 118/.; in campaign of 
1872, 126/.; and the candidate 
in 1876, 228/. 
See also Springfield Republican. 

Bradford, A. W., 65. 

"Brindles," Republican faction in 
Arkansas, 25. 

Brinkerhoff, Jacob, a Liberal, 62; 
signs Fifth Avenue call, 119; 
supports independent move- 
ment in Ohio, 202n. 

Brinkerhoff, Roeliff, a Liberal 
organizer, 62; repudiates Lib- 
eral ticket, 109; in campaign of 



1872, 127; and Ohio independent 
movement in 1873, 200/T. 

Bristow, B. F., 229. 

Bromberg, F. G., 197. 

Brown, B. G., opposes radical 
policies in Missouri, 28; and 
Republican presidential nom- 
ination, 36; and new national 
party, 51; addresses Kansas 
Liberal convention, 58; and 
Liberal nomination, 81; bar- 
gain with Greeley supporters, 
97; nominated for vice-presi- 
dent by Liberals, 100; endorsed 
by Democrats, 141 ; in campaign 
of 1872, 156; joins Democrats, 
230W. 

Brown, J. E., 65. 

Browning, O. H., 63. 

Bryant, W. C, an independent 
journalist, 3; member of Free 
Trade League, 5; detestation of 
Greeley, 109; in Stein way Hall 
meeting, 113; and Fifth Avenue 
conference, 119. 

See also Evening Post. 

Buck, S. J., Independent Parties, 
igSn. 

Buckalew, C. R., 142. 

Buckingham, W. A., 53. 

Butler, B. F., member of the con- 
gressional clique, 8; southern 
policy criticized by Nation, 16; 
influence over Grant, 17; leads 
Republican faction in Massa- 
chusetts, 17/. 

Butler, Pardee, 64. 

Cabinet, Grant's, selection and 
personnel, 7/., in the campaign 
of 1872, 153; surviving mem- 
bers of Lincoln's support Lib- 
erals, 62. 

California, Republican factions in, 
22; Liberals in after 1872, 204/. 

Cameron, Angus, 214. 

Cameron, Simon, member of con- 
gressional clique, 8; opposes 
merit system, 11; leader of 
administration faction in Penn- 
sylvania, 20; opposes Colfax's 
renomination, 118; opposes Lib- 
erals in Congress, 193. 

Campaign of 1872, 150/f. 



INDEX 



257 



Campaign clubs, in 1872, 161/. 
Campaign speakers, in 1872, I5sff. 
Carmichael letters, 162. 
Carpenter, M. H., 32; replies to 

Sumner, 117; defeated for the 

Senate, 214. 
Casserly, Eugene, 74, 193. 
Cartoons, in campaign of 1872, 

T 53- . . 

Central Republican Association 
of Hamilton County (Ohio), 47. 

Chandler, W. E., a leader of the 
Republican machine in New 
Hampshire, 18; secretary of the 
Republican national committee, 

185. 

Chandler, Zachariah, member of 
congressional clique, 8; opposes 
merit system, 11; leadership in 
Michigan opposed, 21; attacks 
Liberals in Congress, 74; in 
campaign of 1872, 154; organ- 
izer of Republican congressional 
campaign committee, 184; de- 
feated for senator, 213. 

"Charges," in the campaign of 
1872, 159/. 

Chase, S. P., candidate for Lib- 
eral nomination, 76/.; endorses 
Greeley's nomination, 107; in 
the campaign of 1872, 127. 

Chicago Times, supports Davis for 
Liberal nomination, 78; favors 
Groesbeck's endorsement by 
the Democrats, 125; a Straight- 
Out organ, 148. 

Chicago Tribune, a reform paper, 
4; promotes Cincinnati con- 
vention, 55; returns to Repub- 
licans, 23372. 
See also White. 

Chinese exclusion, issue in cam- 
paign of 1872, 172. 

Choate, Joseph, 3. 

Christiancy, LP., 204, 213/. 

Church, S. E., 224. 

Cincinnati, . centre of reform 
movement in 187 1, 47; inde- 
pendents in support Republican 
state ticket in 1871, 51; Liberal 
Republican convention in: call, 
52, sentiment for, $2ff., selec- 
tion of delegates, S7ff., com- 
position, 86, organization, 88ff. f 



platform, 95/., selection of can- 
didates, 97#., determining in- 
fluences, ioo/J. 

Cincinnati Commercial, a reform 
paper, 4; opposes Grant's re- 
nomination, 35; promotes Cin- 
cinnati convention, 55. 
See also Halstead. 

Cincinnati Volksblatt, 4. 

Civil service reform, supported 
by independent reformers, 4; 
movement for in Congress, 11; 
Cox's efforts for, 11; Grant's 
attitude toward, 11/.; issue 
helps to alienate reformers from 
Grant, 15; in Liberal platform, 
96; issue in the campaign of 
1872, i67ff. 

Civil War, and political parties, 1 , 
leading issue in campaign of 
1872, 173/. 

Clark, David, 64. 

Clay, CM., advocates Greeley's 
nomination in 1871, 37, 39; 
favors new party in 1871, 50/.; 
a Liberal leader, 65. 

Clayton, Powell, 24/. 

Clews, Henry, 179, 185. 

Cochrane, John, a Liberal pro- 
moter, 66; leads Greeley men in 
Cincinnati convention, 89; di- 
rects New York Liberals after 
1872, 221/J.; favors Blaine in 
1876, 234/.; returns to Repub- 
licans, 235. 

Cole, Cornelius, 10. 

Colfax, Schuyler, and Republican 
nomination for president, 36; 
defeated for vice-presidential 
renomination, 117/.; in the 
campaign of 1872, 154. 

Collins, Isaac, 201. 

Congress, Republican divisions in 
9-12; Liberals in, 52/.; 192$". 

Congressional clique, beginning of, 
8; in campaign of 1872, 153. 

Congressional election, of 1870, 
34; of 1874, 196, 210/. 

Conkling, Roscoe, a member of 
the congressional clique, 8; 
leads faction in New York, 
favored by Grant, 18; on fac- 
tional divisions in New York in 
1 87 1, 43; offers Adams Repub- 



18 



258 



INDEX 



lican nomination for vice-pres- 
ident, 114; in the campaign of 
1872, 153, 154; desires guaran- 
tees from Liberal senators, 195. 

Conklin, F. A., 64. 

Connecticut, Democratic-Liberal 
coalition in, 73, 142^., 219, 233. 

Conservative party, in Virginia, 

Conventions. See Baltimore, Cin- 
cinnati, Philadelphia. 

Cooke, Jay, campaign contribu- 
tions in 1872, 185/. 

Cooper Institute, Liberal mass 
meeting at, 59/. 

Cox, J. D., member Free Trade 
League, 5 ; and merit system, 1 1 ; 
resigns from cabinet, 11/.; rela- 
tions with the independents, 13, 
15; and Republican presidential 
nomination, 36; leader of Cin- 
cinnati reformers in 1871, 47; 
a Liberal organizer, 62; and the 
Liberal nominations, 82, 85; 
and the Steinway Hall meeting, 
112/.; in Fifth Avenue con- 
ference, 119, 123; in the cam- 
paign of 1872, 128; supports 
independent movement in Ohio 
in 1873, 202. 

Crawford, S. J., 64. 

Credit Mobilier, in campaign of 
1872, 162/.; Liberal congress- 
men and, 195. 

Curtin, A. G., rival of Cameron, 
20; and Republican presidential 
nomination, 36; efforts to con- 
ciliate his faction, 44; joins the 
Liberals, 65, 180; and the Lib- 
eral nomination, 82, 87. 

Curtis, G. W., criticism of 
Grant's administration, 13; fa- 
vors Grant's renomination, 40; 
on war issue in 1872, 173. 

Dana, C. A., and the New York 
collectorship, 8; opposes Grant's 
policies, 35. 

Davis, David, and Republican 
nomination for president, 36; 
a Liberal, 63; nominated for 
president by the Labor party, 
77; candidate for the Liberal 
nomination, 77/.; supported by 



the Democratic and the Lib- 
eral politicians, 85^.; opposed 
by the independent editors, 87; 
rivalry with Trumbull, 89. 

Davis, E. J., 22. 

Davis, Jefferson, 68. 

Dawes, H. L., 53. 

Defrees, J. D., 63. 

Delaware, Democratic opposition 
to Greeley in, 139/., 183. 

Democratic-Liberal coalition, fore- 
casted, 74, 129; sentiment for 
and against after Cincinnati 
convention, 130-140; formal 
coalition completed in national 
and state organizations, 140- 
143; in the campaign of 1872, 
143-145, 150/.; defeated in 
North Carolina, 178; defeated 
in October states, 182; lose 
national election, 183; explana- 
tion of the result, 183^.; after 
1872, I97#. For local coali- 
tion movements, see the indi- 
vidual states. 

Democratic party, in Civil War, 1 ; 
problems in Reconstruction, 1; 
in the campaign of 1868, 5; 
gains in 1870, 34; condition in 
1872, 68; "New Departure," 
68/.; proposed "passive policy," 
7off.; Liberal attitude toward, 
72jf . ; sentiment for a new party, 
75/.; represented in Fifth Ave- 
nue conference, nojf.; plan to 
support Liberal candidate, 129; 
and Greeley's nomination, 129; 
call for national convention, 
130; coalition sentiment pre- 
vails, 130-140; Baltimore con- 
vention endorses Liberal can- 
didates and platform, 141; state 
coalition with Liberals, 142/.; 
and Liberals in the campaign of 
1872, I43#.; voters of distrust 
Greeley, i88Jf.; and Liberals in 
Congress, 193/., 196; Liberals 
aid in solidifying the South, 
197/.; influence of independent 
western parties upon, 198, 210, 
217; strength in 1876, 227; in- 
fluence of Liberal coalition upon, 
227, 239. 

See also Democratic-Liberal 



INDEX 



259 



coalition, Reunion and Reform 
Associations, Straight-Out Dem- 
ocrats. 

Dix, J. A., 179. 

Dodge, W. E., 185. 

Donnelly, Ignatius, 63, 215. 

Doolittle, J. R., 141, 155. • 

Dorsheimer, William, a Liberal 
organizer, 64; in Cincinnati 
convention, 94; in Fifth Avenue 
conference, 121; nominated for 
lieutenant-governor, 224; seeks 
nomination for^ governor, 233/. 

Douglass, Frederick, 164, 165. 

Drake, C. D., 29. 

Duncan, Blanton, 147. 

East, selection of Liberal delegates 
in, 59/.; Democratic opposition 
to Greeley in, I33#.; character 
of Liberal movement after 1872 
in, 218. 

Edmunds, J. M., 184. 

Elections, 1868, 5; 1869-1870 
(state), 17 ff.; 1870 (congress- 
ional), 34; 1872, 73, 114, 178, 
180, 182, 183; 1873, 200/., 218, 
220, 223; 1874, 210/., 219-221, 
223/.; 1875, 215/., 219, 221, 
225/.; 1876, 227/. 

Enforcement Act, opposed, 12. 

English, J. E., 120. 

English, Judge, of Arkansas, 24. 

Equal Rights Association, in cam- 
paign of 1872, 158/. 

Evening Post (New York), a 
reform paper, 3; and the Cin- 
cinnati convention, 55; opposes 
Greeley, 109; desires an assem- 
bly of notables to name new 
Liberal ticket, 1 1 1 ; in campaign 
of 1872, 127; criticism of New 
York Liberals, 225. 
See also Bryant. 

Farns worth, J. F., 195. 

Fenton, R. E., leader of Repub- 
lican faction in New York, 18; 
and the development of a 
Liberal party, 52; declares for 
the Liberals, 60; in Cincinnati 
convention, 87; chairman of 
Liberal congressional campaign 
committee, 10472.; and Fifth 



Avenue conference, 121; in the 
Senate after 1872, 193, 195; 
returns to the Republicans, 226. 

Ferry, O. S., no. 

Fess, S. D., quoted on the char- 
acter of the Liberal Republican 
movement, vii. 

Fessenden, S. C, 64. 

Field, D. D., 64. 

Fifth Avenue conference, 119/T. 

Financial issue, in campaign of 
1872, 169/. 

Fish, Hamilton, 31, 115, 182. 

Forney, J. W., 180. 

Foster, H. A., 64. 

Foster, L. S., 64. 

Fowler, J. S., 65. 

Free trade movement. See tariff 
reform movement. 

Free Trade League. See Ameri- 
can Free Trade League. 

Free traders, disaffected toward 
Greeley, 109; in Steinway Hall 
meeting, 112/.; and Grant's 
renomination, 118. 

See also tariff reform, Ameri- 
can Free Trade League. 

French arms, sale of, 54. 

Garfield, J. A., 53, 151. 

Garland, A. H., 24. 

Geary, J. W., critic of Grant, 21, 
35; candidate for Republican 
presidential nomination, 36. 

Georgia, carried by Democrats, 
23 ; coercion of opposed by 
Liberal senators, 12. 

German element, opposed to 
Greeley, 108, 109; and Reunion 
and Reform Associations, in; 
press in campaign of 1872, 128; 
appeal to in campaign of 1872, 
166. 

Godkin, E. L., an independent 
journalist, 3; member of the 
Free Trade League, 5; on new 
party in 1870, 46; in Cincinnati 
convention, 94; contempt for 
Greeley, 109. 
See also Nation. 

Godwin, Parke, an independent 
journalist, 3; detestation of 
Greeley, 109; resolutions in 
Fifth Avenue conference, 123. 



260 



INDEX 



Golden Age, supports Greeley for 
Republican nomination, 39; in 
the campaign of 1872, 152W. 

Goodloe, D. R., opposed to radi- 
cals in North Carolina, 23; a 
Liberal, 65; secretary of Liberal 
national committee, 104.71. 

Goodrich, Milo, 195. 

Graham, W. A., 120. 

Granger states, Liberal influence 
in, 205. 

Grant, U. S., problems and oppor- 
tunities at the beginning of his 
presidency, 6; political incapac- 
ity of, 6ff.; appointments, 7/.; 
and the congressional clique, 
8/.; and San Domingo project, 
9/. ; tariff policy, 10; civil service 
policy, 11/.; southern policy, 12; 
alienates reformers, 12 ff.) and 
factions in Republican party, 
17 ff.] Butler's influence with, 
17; relation to New York fac- 
tions, 18; opposes Missouri 
Liberals, 31; opposition to re- 
nomination of, 34-ff.) failure of 
opposition to, 40; fails to profit 
by political experience, 41; 
advocates reforms, 42; con- 
fidence of reelection, 42, 178/.; 
meeting in New York City to 
endorse, 114; renomination in- 
evitable, 115; Sumner's attack 
upon, 116; renominated, 117; 
favors Wilson for vice-president, 
117; in the campaign of 1872, 
154/.; charges against, 156, 159, 
164; contrasted with Greeley, 
160; favored by German ele- 
ment, 166; endorsed by New 
York capitalists, 170/.; urges 
Dix to run for governor, 179; on 
the Pennsylvania election, 180/.; 
reelected, 183; reasons for suc- 
cess, 183^.; financial interests 
favor, 185; popular confidence 
in, 190; attempts to conciliate 
Liberal leaders, 228. 

Greeley, Horace, member of Fen- 
ton faction, 19; and Republican 
nomination in 1871, 36^.; efforts 
to conciliate, 43 ; attitude toward 
Cincinnati convention, 56; 
break with the administration, 



56/.; signs call for Liberal 
convention, 59; candidate for 
Liberal nomination, 79/f.; pol- 
iticians' candidate for vice-presi- 
dent, 85, 87; supporters in 
Cincinnati convention, 92; re- 
fuses to accept free- trade plank, 
94; nomination, 98^.; causes of 
nomination, ioojf.; effect of 
nomination upon Reunion and 
Reform convention, 105; effect 
upon reformers and upon Demo- 
crats, 106; correspondence with 
Schurz, 108; refuses to with- 
draw, in; applauded in Stein- 
way Hall meeting, 113; under- 
standing with Schurz, 119; and 
the Fifth Avenue conference, 
120, 125; and the Democrats, 
I2gff.; endorsed by Democratic 
convention, 140/.; suggested 
cabinet, 144W.; gratitude to 
Sumner, 155/.; in campaign of 
1872, 157/.; abuse of in the 
campaign, 159, 173/.; compared 
with Grant, 160; unpopular with 
German element, 166; financial 
ideas, 171; labor interest of, 
171/.; on reconciliation of the 
sections, 175; popular in New 
England, 180; and Pennsyl- 
vania election, 181; extent of 
defeat, 183, explanation of 
defeat, 183^*.; distrusted by 
financiers, 187; Democratic op- 
position to, 188/.; popular dis- 
trust of, 190. 

See also New York Tribune. 

Greenback issue, and Democratic- 
Liberal coalition, in the West, 
215-217, in Pennsylvania, 221. 

Grinnell, J. B., Greeley supporter 
in 187 1, 39; a Liberal promoter, 
63; in Fifth Avenue conference, 
121; in An ti- Monopoly move- 
ment, 207W. 

Groesbeck, W. S., suggested for 
new Liberal candidate in Stein- 
way Hall meeting, 113; sug- 
gested for vice-president in 
Fifth Avenue conference, 123; 
nominated for president by the 
rump Fifth Avenue conference, 
124; reception of nomination, 



INDEX 



26l 



125; declines, 125; favors new- 
party in 1873, 200n. 

Grosvenor, W. M., an independent 
journalist, 4; a leading free- 
trader, 14; in Cincinnati con- 
vention, 91, 94, 97; in the cam- 
paign of 1872, 127; against 
inflation in Ohio, 216. 

Grow, G. A., 65, 12711. 

Halstead, Murat, an independent 
journalist, 4; member of the edi- 
torial "Quadrilateral," 87; sup- 
ports Greeley, 107; and the pres- 
idential candidates in 1876, 228. 
See also Cincinnati Commer- 
cial. 

Hamilton, A. J., 22, 65. 

Hamilton, M. S., 65. 

Harlan, James, 21/., 51. 

Harper's Weekly, in campaign of 
1872, 153. 

Hassaurek, Fred, 4. 

Havemeyer, W. F., 225. 

Hawley, J. R., 36, no. 

Hayes, R. B., on election prospects 
in 1872, 177; supported for 
governor by Liberals, 216; Lib- 
eral support for president, 230- 
232, 235/.; appoints Schurz to 
the cabinet, 236. 

Haynes, F. E., Third Party Move- 
ments, 192^.; 198W.; 236W. 

Helper, H. H., 23, 65. 

Helper, H. R., 23. 

Hendricks, T. A., 143, 181. 

Herndon, W. H., 63. 

Hickman, J. M., 65. 

Hill, B. H., 121. 

Hillard, H. W., 121. 

Hoadly, George, member of Free 
Trade League, 5; leader of Cin- 
cinnati reformers in 1871, 47; 
Liberal promoter, 62; in Cin- 
cinnati convention, 94/.; op- 
poses Greeley, 109, 112, 128. 

Hoar, E. R., forced out of the 
cabinet, 9; and the reformers, 
13; favors Grant's renomina- 
tion, 41. 

Hoffman, J. T., 136. 

Holmes, O. W., quoted, 179. 

"Hoopla" campaigning, in 1872, 
161/. 



Illinois, Republican factions in, 21 ; 

Democratic-Liberal coalition in 

after 1872, 211/., 232/. 
Indiana, Republican factions in, 

44; sentiment for new party, 

204; coalition after 1872, 210/., 

233. 

Iowa, coalition in after 1872, 207, 
212/., 232. 

Independent reformers, character 
and aims, sff.; alienated from 
Grant, 12 ff . ; favor Liberal south- 
ern policy, 16; and proposed 
new party in 1870, 45; help to 
start Liberal movement in Con- 
gress, 52; blame for the result of 
the Cincinnati convention, 103 
and Greeley's candidacy, 106/f. 
plan to name new ticket, no 
Steinway Hall meeting, 1 1 1-1 14 
in Fifth Avenue conference, 120 
in the campaign of 1872, 126/f. 
in campaign of 1876, 228ff. 
conference in New r York City, 
May, 1876, 229/. 

Independent parties, and Liberals, 
198. 

Jefferson City, Liberal convention 
at, 5i#, 

Jenckes bill, 4. 

Jennings, Louis, 152. 

Johnson, Andrew, 2. 

Johnson, H. V., 148. 

Julian, G. W., efforts to conciliate, 
44; Liberal leader, 62; in cam- 
paign of 1872, 155. 

Kansas, Republican factions in, 

22; coalition after 1872, 204, 

212,232. 
Kent, H.O.,64. 
Kernan, Francis, 142. 
Koerner, Gustave, a Liberal leader 

63; in campaign of 1872, 127; 

coalition candidate for governor, 

142. 
"Kitchen Cabinet," Grant's, 8. 

Labor party, names Davis for 
president, 77; and the Straight- 
Outs, 146. 

Labor issue, in the campaign of 
1872, 171/.; in Ohio independ- 
ent movement of 1873, 202. 



262 



INDEX 



Leslie, Frank, 50, 153. 

Leslie's Newspaper, supports 
Greeley for Republican nom- 
ination, 39. 

"Liberal Democrats," 75, 200. 

Liberal faction, in Arkansas, 24/. 

Liberal Republican movement, 
general character and signifi- 
cance of, 5, 237-239; relation of 
"True Republican" movement 
to, 26/.; beginnings in Missouri 
Liberal movement, 28-33; or ~ 
ganization of national move- 
ment, 45#.; call for national 
convention, 51 ff.', personnel, 
6i^T. ; suggested candidates, j6ff. ; 
national convention, S6ff.; divi- 
sions shown in Fifth Avenue 
conference, 126/f.; coalition with 
Democrats in campaign of 1872, 
140/f.; influence after 1872, 
I92jf.; in the South, 197/.; in 
the West, 198; in the East, 218; 
in campaign of 1876, 230/f.; 
reunion of Liberals with the 
old parties, 231, 235/. 

See also Cincinnati conven- 
tion, Democratic-Liberal coali- 
tion, independent reformers. 

Liberal Republican party. 

See Liberal Republican move- 
ment, Democratic-Liberal coali- 
tion. 

"Liberals," a Republican faction 
in Missouri, 29. 

Littlejohn, D. C, 64. 

Lloyd, H. D., free-trader in Cin- 
cinnati convention, 8gn. f gon.] 
on Greeley's nomination, 99; in 
Steinway Hall meeting, 113; 
and Fifth Avenue conference, 
120, 125^. 

Logan, J. A., and Grant's renom- 
ination, 53; replies to Sumner, 
117; in Philadelphia conven- 
tion, 117; in campaign of 1872, 

Louisiana, Republican factions in, 
23; Liberals in 1874, 197. 

Louisville, convention of Straight- 
Outs, 146/. 

Lowell, J. R., quoted, 6, 13ft. 

McClure, A. K., member of Cur- 



tin faction in Pennsylvania, 7, 
44; declines federal appoint- 
ment, 44; a Liberal organizer, 
65; in the Cincinnati conven- 
tion, 87; on Democratic sup- 
port of Greeley, 130; in the 
campaign of 1872, 155. 

McClurg, Governor, of Missouri, 
14. 

McKee, William, 29/. 

McMillan, S. J. R., 214. 

Mahone, William, 25. 

Marble, Manton, advises Liberals 
to nominate Adams, 84; op- 
poses Democratic endorsement 
of Greeley, 134; refuses to sup- 
port Greeley, 143. 

Massachusetts, Republican fac- 
tions in, 17/.; coalition after 
1872, 220, 233. 

Matthews, Stanley, leader of Cin- 
cinnati reformers in 1871, 47; in 
Cincinnati convention, 91; in 
the campaign of 1872, 128. 

Merritt, E. A., 226. 

Michigan, Republican factions in, 
21; coalition after 1872, 204, 
214; National Reform party in, 
211. 

Middle West, favors tariff reform, 
10/.; Republican disaffection 
in, 21; sentiment for national 
Liberal convention in, 57 ff. 
Liberal influence after 1872 in, 

Milwaukee News, i$2f. 

Minnesota, coalition in after 1872, 
206, 212, 214/. 

"Minstrels," Republican faction 
in Arkansas, 25. 

Mississippi, Republican factions 
in, 23; Liberal officials elected 
in 197. 

Missouri call for Liberal conven- 
tion, 51; responses to, 55JF. 

Missouri Democrat, an advocate of 
reform, 4; supports Liberal fac- 
tion in 1870, 30; returns to the 
Republicans, 30W. 

Missouri Liberal movement, 14, 
2%ff.) coalition of Liberals with 
Republicans in 1874, 213. 

Missouri Republican, supports Lib- 
eral ticket in 1870, 30. 



INDEX 



263 



Morgan, E. D., Republican na- 
tional chairman, 185. 

Morgan, Matt, 153. 

Morrill, J. S., 42, 53. 

Morrill, L. M., 53. 

Morton, O. P., member of the 
congressional clique, 8; opposed 
to San Domingo policy, 9; 
criticized by Nation, 16; and 
Grant's renomination, 40; seeks 
to conciliate opposition in the 
party, 43/.; in Philadelphia 
convention, 117; in campaign of 
1872, 173, 181. 

Mosby, J. A., 174. 

Motley, J. L., 9. 

Nashville, Schurz's speech at, 48/. 

Nast, Thomas, 153. 

Nation, a reform organ, 3; on the 
southern question in 1870, 16; 
arraignment of Grant's admin- 
istration, 34/.; opposed to new 
party in 1870, 45; approves Cin- 
cinnati convention, 55; favors 
Adams for Liberal candidate, 
83; opposes Greeley, 109, 127; 
on the character of the cam- 
paign of 1872, 150/.; attitude 
toward western anti-monopoly 
movements, 238ft. 
See also Godkin. 

National Reform party — in Mich- 
igan in 1874, 211. 

National Union movement, 2. 

Nebraska, Republican factions in, 
22 ; in the campaign of 1872, 181; 
elects Liberal senator in 1875, 

215. 
Negroes, in the campaign of 1872, 

163/. 
Nevada, Democratic convention 

advocates union with Liberals, 

71. 

"New Departure" of the Demo- 
cratic party, 69. 

New Hampshire, Republican de- 
feat in, in 1871, 10; Republican 
factions in, 18; attempt to unite 
factions, 44; in the campaign of 
1872, 73, 114, 180, 183; coali- 
tion after 1872, 218. 

New jersey, Democratic opposi- 
tion to Greeley in, 139, 183. 



New York, Republican factions 
in, i8jf.; rival delegations in 
Cincinnati convention, 8ajf.; 
Democratic attitude toward 
Greeley in, 133-138; Dix nom- 
inated for governor by the 
Republicans, 179; Liberals after 
1872, 22 iff.; return to the old 
parties, 235. 

New York Herald, critic of Grant, 
in 1 87 1, 34; on political journal- 
ism in 1872, 152. 

New York Observer, on character 
of the campaign of 1872, 150. 

New York Times, in the campaign 
of 1872, 152. 

New York Tribune, and Fifth 
Avenue conference, 112,120,126; 
in the campaign of 1872, 143, 151. 
See also Greeley. 

North American Review, an advo- 
cate of reforms, 3. 

North Carolina, Republican fac- 
tions in, 23; state election of 
1872,178/. 

O'Brien, James, 148. 

O' Conor, Charles, opposes Tweed 

Ring, 69; refuses to support 

Greeley, 138; nominated for 

president by the Straight-Outs, 

146/.; declines, 147. 
O'Connor, M. P., in Baltimore 

convention, 141; quoted, 191. 
"October States," election of 

1872, in i8q/f. 
Oglesby, R. J., 117. 
Ohio, Republican factions in, 

21; independent movements in 

1 87 1, 47/., 75/.; independents in 
opposed to Greeley, 109, 112; 
Liberals and Democrats after 

1872, 199; Liberals join inde- 
pendent Democrats in 1873,201 ; 
Liberals vote with Democrats 
in 1874, 210; support Republi- 
can candidate in 1875, on cur- 
rency issue, 216. 

Olmsted, F. L., 124/. 

One presidential term issue, advo- 
cated by Greeley, 38; Sumner's 
resolution on, 54; in Liberal 
platform, 96. 

Ottendorfer, Oswald, 3, 119. 



264 



INDEX 



Paddock, A. S., 215. 

Palmer, J. M., controversy with 
Grant, 21; a Liberal, 63; and 
the Liberal nomination, 82, 85; 
supports Greeley, 107. 

Parker, Joel, 77. 

Parrott, M. J., 64, 212W. 

"Passive policy," followed by 
Missouri Democrats in 1870, 
30; advocated for Democratic 
party in 187 1, 70. 

Patriot (Washington), on Demo- 
cratic endorsement of Greeley, 
133; urges coalition with the 
Liberals, 140; in the campaign 
of 1872, 152. 

Pennsylvania, Republican factions 
in, 20/., 44; Democratic opposi- 
tion to Greeley in, 138; election 
of 1872 in, 180/T.; coalition in 
after 1872, 221. 

Pease, Governor, of Texas, 65. 

People's party, in Ohio, 202/.; in 
Missouri, 213. 

Perry, A. L., 113. 

Philadelphia, convention of Re- 
publicans in in 1872, 117/. 

"Philippic," Sumner's, 159. 

Piatt, Donn, 151. 

Pillsbury, Governor, of Maine, 
120. 

Pixley, F. M., 63. 

Plumb, P. B., 64. 

Politicians, and Liberal move- 
ment, 65/., 218. 

Pomeroy, S. C. ("Brick"), 148, 

151- 

Pomeroy' s Democrat, a Straight- 

Out organ, 148. 
Pryor, Roger, 131. 

"Quadrilateral" of independent 
editors, oppose Davis in Cin- 
cinnati convention, 87; and 
Adams, 96; support Greeley, 
106. 

Racial appeals, in campaign of 
1872, 163/. 

Radical Republican reconstruc- 
tion policy, 5, 12. 

"Radicals," Republican faction in 
Missouri, 29. 

Raines, Thomas, 222. 



Randolph, T. F., advises Liber- 
als to nominate Adams, 84; in 
the Fifth Avenue conference, 
120; advocates endorsement of 
Greeley, 139. 

Ranney, R. P., 104. 

Reagan, J. H., 141. 

Reconciliation issue, in campaign 
of 1872, 174/. 

Reconstruction, political parties 
during, 1. 

Reform Associations, established 
by Schurz, in 1871, 50. 

Reid, Whitelaw, in the Cincinnati 
convention, 94; in the campaign 
of 1872, 151, 187. 

Religious press, in the campaign of 
1872, 152. 

Republican party, a sectional 
party, 1 ; disintegrating tenden- 
cies following Civil War, if.; in 
the campaign of 1868, 5; fac- 
tional divisions in 1871, 17 ff.; 
condition at the close of 1871, 
44; attitude toward Cincinnati 
convention, 114; national con- 
vention, 117/.; and Straight- 
Out Democrats, 148/.; cairies 
North Carolina, 178; successful 
in the "September States," 180; 
secures "October States," 181/.; 
extent of success in 1872, 183; 
organization in the campaign, 
184/.; work of congressional 
campaign committee, 184; and 
the financial interests in 1872, 
185JT.; attempt to win back 
Liberals after 1874, 22 7> P art 
of Liberals reunite with, 231, 

2 35/- . . 

Reunion and Reform Associations, 
origin and aim, 75/.; conven- 
tion of, 104/., no; and the Ger- 
man vote, in; and Ohio inde- 
pendent Democrats in 1873, 
198, 200. 

Rice, B. F., 193, 197. 

Robeson, G. M., 186. 

Robinson, Charles, 64. 

Robinson, Lucius, 234. 

Robinson, W. S. ("Warrington "), 
64, 85W. 

Rollins, E. H., 18. 

Rollins, J. S., 51, 65. 



INDEX 



265 



Roosevelt, Theodore, quoted, 3. 
Ross, E. G., 22, 64. 
Rump of Fifth Avenue confer- 
ence, 124. 

Sanborn, F. B., 64. 

San Domingo annexation project, 

9- 

Saulsbury, Eli, 146. 

Schurz, Carl, an independent 
journalist, 4; a member of the 
Free Trade League, 5; opposes 
San Domingo project, 9; for 
civil service reform, 11; opposes 
coercion of Georgia, 12; praised 
by Nation in 1870, 16; leader of 
Liberal faction in Missouri, 28/.; 
in Missouri Liberal campaign of 
1870, 30/.; seeks to conciliate 
Grant, 31; complete break with 
the administration, 32; chief 
promoter of a national Liberal 
movement, 46/f.; advises Jeffer- 
son City convention, 51; ad- 
dresses Cooper Institute meet- 
ing, 59; praised by Democratic 
state conventions in 1871, 70; 
distrusts Democrats, 72; in 
Cincinnati convention, 92/., 103; 
disappointment at outcome of 
the convention, 107; corre- 
spondence with Greeley, 108, 
in, 119; opposed to second 
Liberal candidate, 118/.; and 
the Fifth Avenue conference, 
119, 121/.; in campaign of 1872, 
127,150, 155, 168; in Senate after 
1872, 193, 195; opposes inflation 
in Ohio, 216; and presidential 
candidates in 1876, 229; sup- 
ports Hayes, 231; appointed to 
the cabinet, 236. 

Scovel, J. M., 66/. 

Sectarian issue, in campaign of 
1872, 167. 

Sedgwick, A. G., 3. 

Selden, H. R., a Liberal leader, 64; 
in Cincinnati convention, 91, 
102^.; in campaign of 1872, 127. 

Senter, D. C, 27. 

Semmes, Raphael, 174. 

"September States," Republican 
success in, 180. 

Seymour, Horatio, 137, 143/., 234. 



Sherman, W. T., 177. 

Sherman, John, 43, 51, 177. 

Sherwood, Charles, 63. 

Sickles, D. E., 114. 

Sloan, A. S., 209. 

Smith, Gerrit, 41, 117. 

Soldiers' and Sailors' Republican 
convention, at Pittsburgh in 
1872, 174. 

South, development of an opposi- 
tion party in, 22; sentiment for 
new party in 1870, 46; selection 
of Liberal delegates in, 60/.; 
and Greeley, 121, 130/.; ap- 
pealed to by Liberals in cam- 
paign of 1872, 175/.; character 
of liberal movement in, 197. 

Spaulding, R. P., 109. 

"Spring States," election of 1872 
in, 114. 

Springfield Republican, a reform 
paper, 3; on Cox's resignation, 
15; criticizes Grant's southern 
policy, 16; on available Repub- 
lican candidates, 36; favors 
Adams for Liberal nomination, 
83; in campaign of 1872, 126/., 
156, 165; in campaign of 1876, 
233^. 

See also Bowles. 

Staats Zeitung (New York), 3. 

Stallo, J. B., a Liberal sympa- 
thizer, 62; in Reunion and Re- 
form convention, 104; signs 
letter to Steinway Hall meeting, 
1 12 ; in Fifth Avenue conference, 
124; in campaign of 1872, 128; 
supports Ohio independent 
movement in 1873, 202n. 

Stanton, E. M., 116. 

Stearns, Franklin, 65. 

Steinway Hall meeting, H2ff. 

Stephens, A. H., discredits Demo- 
crats, 68; opposes Greeley's 
endorsement, 131; supports 
Straight-Outs, 148. 

Stephens, Linton, 131. 

Sterne, Simon, 113. 

Stevenson, J. E., 74. 

Stockton, J. P., 120. 

Storey, Wilbur, 148, 151. 

Straight-Out Democrats, move- 
ment of in 1872, 146/. 

Stribling, Judge, of Texas, 65. 



266 



INDEX 



Stuart, A. H. H., 120. 

Sumner, Charles, break with 
Grant over San Domingo, 9; 
opposes Grant's renomination, 
35; efforts to conciliate, 42/.; 
and a Liberal party, 52; urged 
not to leave Republicans, 115; 
doubt as to position, 115/.; 
"Philippic" against Grant, 
116/.; in campaign of 1872, 127, 
155/.; in the Senate after 1872, 

193, 195. 
Sun (New York), criticism of 

Grant, 35; and Credit Mobilier, 

163. 
Swett, Leonard, 63. 

Tammany Republicans, support 
Fenton, 18; and the Liberal 
movement, 66; support Greeley 
in Cincinnati convention, 88; 
bargain with ring Democrats, 
136. 

Tariff reform movement, sup- 
ported by independent reform- 
ers, 5, 14/.; sentiment for 
among Republicans, 10/.; effort 
for in Cincinnati convention, 
93#-> issue in campaign of 1872, 
167/. 

See also American Free Trade 
League, Free-Traders. 

Taylor, Bayard, quoted, 151. 

Taylor, J. J., on Democratic ob- 
jection to Greeley, 137/. 

Tennessee, coalition movement in, 

2 7f- 

Texas, Republican factions in, 22. 

Thurman, A. G., and Liberal 
senators, 194; opposed to new 
party, 199; reelected to Senate, 
203. 

Tilden, S. J., opposes Tweed Ring, 
69; and Democratic-Liberal 
coalition, 74, 136; Liberal sup- 
port of in 1874, 224/.; and the 
independents in 1876, 230. 

Tilton, Theodore, 37, 91. 

Tipton, T. W., leader of Republi- 
can faction in Nebraska, 22; a 
Liberal leader, 63; in the cam- 
paign of 1872, 181; joins Demo- 
crats, 193. 

Toombs, Robert, 131. 



Tousey, Sinclair, 94. 

"True Republican" movement in 
Virginia, 25/. 

Trumbull, Lyman, supports civil 
service reform, 11; opposes 
coercion of Georgia, 12; praised 
by Nation in 1870, 16; suggested 
for Republican presidential 
nomination, 36; and formation 
of a Liberal party, 52; charged 
with seeking Liberal nomina- 
tion, 54; addresses Cooper Insti- 
tute meeting, 59; denies exist- 
ence of a Democratic-Liberal 
plot, 74; and Liberal nomination 
82, 85; contest of supporters 
with Davis delegates, 89, 98; 
strength in Cincinnati conven- 
tion, 97/.; resolution for in 
Reunion and Reform conven- 
tion, 104; supports Greeley, 
107; in Fifth Avenue confer- 
ence, 121; in campaign of 1872, 
127, 155; considered for Tilden's 
cabinet, 236. 

Tweed Ring exposures, and the 
Democrats, 69. 

"Union Reform" movement in 
South Carolina, 23/. 

Union Republican party. See Re- 
publican party. 

Vallandigham, C. L., and Demo- 
cratic "New Departure," 68/. 
Voorhees, Daniel, 133, 144. 

Walker, G. C, "True Republican" 
candidate for governor in Vir- 
ginia, 25; opposes Grant's 
southern policy, 50; a Liberal, 
65; becomes a Democrat, 197/. 

Warmoth, H. C, 23, 67/. 

Washburne, E. B., 228. 

Watkins, Judge, of Arkansas, 24. 

Watterson, Henry, member of the 
editorial "Quadrilateral," 87; 
supports Greeley, 106; advo- 
cates Democratic endorsement 
of Greeley, 131/. 

Weed, Thurlow, 179. 

Wells, D. A., reform writer, 3; 
member of Free Trade League, 
5; dismissal as revenue agent, 



INDEX 



267 



14; a Liberal organizer, 64; in 
Cincinnati convention, 94/.; in 
Steinway Hall meeting, 113; 
mentioned for senator, 220; 
nominated for Congress, 233; 
considered for Tilden's cabinet, 
236. 

Wells, H. H., 25. 

Wentworth, John, 39. 

West, party disorganization in 
after 1872, 198. 

West Virginia, coalition move- 
ment in 1870,28. 

Westliche Post, 4. 

White, Horace, an independent 
journalist, 4; member of Free 
Trade League, 5; member of 
editorial ''Quadrilateral," 8^] 
opposes a second Liberal nom- 
ination, 118/.; supports Greeley, 
106. 

See also Chicago Tribune. 

Wilkes, George, 66. 

Wilkinson, M. S., 63, 215. 

Wilkinson, Samuel, 92. 

Wilson, Henry, on political effects 



of Motley's removal, 9/. ; tries to 
make peace in Republican party* 
43; and the renomination of 
Grant, 53; nominated for vice- 
president, 117; in the campaign 
of 1872, 153/., 158, 166, 172, 
180; on the influence of the 
Liberals, 228. 

Winthrop, R. C, 158. 

Wisconsin, coalition in after 1872, 
207-209, 212, 214, 233W. 

Wise, H. A., 148. 

Women campaigners, in 1872, 
158/. 

Wood, Fernando, 137. 

Wood, S. N., 64. 

World (New York), on Repub- 
lican factions in 1871, 33; op- 
poses "passive policy," 71; 
opposes Davis' candidacy, 78; 
favors Adams for Liberal nom- 
inee, 83; opposes Democratic 
endorsement of Greeley, I33#.J 
in the campaign of 1872, 152, 
168, 171. 

W T right, Elizur, 64. 



